George Rogers Clark takes Ft. Sackville, pt. 2

As I promised in my previous post, here is the expedition against Ft. Sackville as seen through the eyes of Capt. Joseph Bowman of Clark’s heroic band.

4th. [Feb. 1779] About 10 o'clock Capt. McCarty arrived with a company of volunteers from Cahokia; and about two o'clock in the (after) noon, the batteau set off under the command of Lieut. Rogers, with forty-six men, with orders to proceed to a certain station near St. Vincents, till farther orders.

5th. Raised another company of volunteers, under the command of Capt. Francis Charleville, which, added to our force, increased our number to 170 men * * [torn off) * * artillery, pack-horses, men, &c; about 3 o'clock we crossed the Kaskaskia with our baggage and marched about a league from town. Fair and drizzly weather. Began our march early. Made a good march for about nine hours, the road very bad, with mud and water. Pitched our camp in a square, baggage in the middle; every company to guard their own squares.

8th. Marched early through the waters, which we now began to meet in those large and level plains, where, from the flatness of the country, {the water) rests a considerable time before it drains off. Notwithstanding which our men were in great spirits, though much fatigued.

9th. Made another day's march. Fair the part of the day.

10th. Crossed the river of the Petit Fork upon trees that were fell for that purpose. The water being so high there was no fording it,—still raining and no tents—encamped near the river. Stormy weather.

11th. Crossed the Saline river. Nothing extraordinary this day.

12th. Marched across Cot plains; saw and killed numbers of buffaloes. The road very bad from the immense quantity of rain that had fallen. The men much fatigued. Encamped on the edge of the woods. This plain or meadow being fifteen or more miles across, it was late in the night before the baggage and troops got together. Now twenty-one miles from St. Vincents.

13th. Arrived early at the two Wabashes. Although a league asunder they now made but one. We set to making a canoe.

14th. Finished the canoe and put her into the river about 4 o'clock in the afternoon.

15th. Ferried across the two Wabashes, it being then five miles in water to the opposite hills, where we encamped. Still raining. Orders not to fire any guns for the future but in case of necessity.

16th. Marched all day through rain and water, crossed Fox river. Our provisions began to be short.

17th. Marched early—crossed several runs, very deep. Sent Mr. Kennedy, our commissary, with three men, to cross the river Embarras, if possible, and proceed to a plantation opposite Port St. Vincents, in order to steal boats or canoes to ferry us across the Wabash. About an hour by sun we got near the river Embarras. Found the country all overflown with water. We strove to find the Wabash. Traveled till 8 o'clock in mud and water, but could find no place to encamp on. Still kept marching on. But after some time Mr. Kennedy and his party returned. Found it impossible to cross Embarras river. We found the water falling from a small spot of ground; staid there the remainder of the night. Drizzly and dark weather.

18th. At break of day heard Gov. Hamilton's morning gun. Set off and marched down the river. Saw some fine land. About two o'clock came to the bank of the Wabash; made rafts for four men to cross and go up to town and steal boats. But they spent day and night in the water to no purpose, for there was not one foot of dry land to be found.

19th. Capt. McCarty's company set to making a canoe; and at 3 o'clock the four men returned after spending the night on some old logs in the water. The canoe finished, Capt. McCarty with three of his men embarked in the canoe and made the third attempt to steal boats. But he soon returned, having discovered four large fires about a league distant from our camp, which seemed to him to be fires of whites and Indians. Immediately Col. Clark sent two men in the canoe, down to meet the batteau, with orders to come on day and night; that being our last hope, and (we) starving. Many of the men much cast down, particularly the volunteers. No provisions of any sort, now two days. Hard fortune!

20th. Camp very quiet but hungry; some almost in despair; many of the Creole volunteers talking of returning. Fell to making more canoes, when, about 12 o'clock, our centry on the river brought to a boat with five Frenchmen from the Post, who told us we were not as yet discovered, that the inhabitants were well disposed towards us, &c Capt. Willing's brother, who was taken in the fort, had made his escape to us. And that one Masonville, with a party of Indians, were then seven days in pursuit of him, with much news,—more news to our favor, such as repairs done the fort, the strength, &c, &c. They informed us of two canoes they had adrift some distance above us. Ordered that Capt. Worthington, with a party, go in search of them. Returned late with one only. One of our men killed a deer, which was brought into the camp. Very acceptable.

21st. At break of day began to ferry our men over in our two canoes to a small hill called the Momib or Bubbriss. Capt. Williams, with two men, went to look for a passage and were discovered by two men in a canoe, but could not fetch them to. The whole army being over, he thought to get to town that night, so plunged into the water sometimes to the neck, for more than one league, when we stopped on the next hill of the same name, there being no dry land on any side for many leagues. Our pilots say we cannot get along, that it is impossible. The whole army being over we encamped. Rain all this day—no provisions.

22d. Col. Clark encourages his men, which gave them great spirits. Marched on in the waters. Those that were weak and famished from so much fatigue, went in the canoes. We came one league farther to some sugar camps, where we stayed all night. Heard the evening and morning guns from the fort. No provisions yet. Lord help us!

23d. Set off to cross the plain called Horse-shoe Plain, about four miles long, all covered with water breast high. Here we expected some of our brave men must certainly perish, having froze in the night, and so long fasting. Having no other resource but wading this plain, or rather lake, of waters, we plunged into it with courage, Col. Clark, being first, taking care to have the boats try to take those that were weak and numbed with the cold into them. Never were men so animated with the thought of avenging the wrongs done to their back settlements, as this small army was.

About one o'clock we came in sight of the town. We halted on a small hill of dry land called Warren's Island, where we took a prisoner hunting ducks, who informed us that no person suspected our coming at that season of the year. Col. Clark wrote a letter by him to the inhabitants, in the following manner:

To the Inhabitants of Post St. Vincents:

Gentlemen :—Being now within two miles of your village with my army, determined to take your Fort this night, and not being willing to surprise you, I take this method to request such of you as are true citizens, and willing to enjoy the liberty I bring you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if any there be, that are friends to the King, will instantly repair to the fort and join the Hair-buyer General, and fight like men. And if any such, as do not go to the Fort shall be discovered afterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the contrary, those that are true friends to liberty, may depend on being well treated. And I once more request them to keep out of the streets; for every one I find in arms on my arrival, I shall treat as an enemy.

(Signed,) G. R. CLARK.

In order to give time to publish this letter, we lay still till about sundown, when we began our march all in order, with colours flying and drums braced. After wading to the edge of the water breast high, we mounted the rising ground the town is built on about 8 o'clock. Lieut. Bayley, with fourteen regulars, was detached to fire on the Fort, while we took possession of the town, and ordered to stay till he was relieved by another party, which was soon done. Reconnoitered about to find a place to throw up an entrenchment. Found one, and set Capt. Bowman's company to work. Soon crossed the main street, about one hundred and twenty yards from the first gate. We were informed that Capt. Lamath, with a party of twenty-five men, were out on a scout, who heard our firing and came back. We sent a party to intercept them, but missed them. However, we took one of their men, and one Capt. Maison Ville, a principal man; the rest making their escape under the cover of the night into the fort. The cannon played smartly. Not one of our men wounded. Men in the Fort badly wounded. Fine sport for the sons of Liberty. ¹

Even Bowman’s journal only hints at the privations these men suffered as they slogged through the chilling mad and water on their way to Vincennes.  To do so on a full stomach was one thing but these men often had nothing to eat.  The intrepidity of Clark’s men and their skilled marksmanship soon forced the capitulation of Hamilton and his men.  This victory at Ft. Sackville sealed the American conquest of the Illinois country from the British.  How differently things might have turned out were it not for the reckless daring and devotion of a starving, shivering band of American citizen soldiers.  Lord, may we be so bold in Your cause!

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      George Rogers Clark, Campaign In The Illinois (Cincinnati, OH: Robert Clarke & Co., 1907), p. 83-8.

George Rogers Clark takes Ft. Sackville

I have always found the story of George Rogers Clark’s taking of Ft. Sackville (Vincennes, IN) in February of 1779 to be one of the most remarkable adventures in American history.  If there was ever a story that shows heroic manhood and dogged persistence in spite of overwhelming obstacles, this is it.  Here is a portion of Clark’s account of the brutal winter expedition. 

We were now sensible that St. Vincents [Vincennes] was in possession of the English; and consequently we might shortly expect an Attact though no danger at present, and had some time to make preparation for what we were certain of. I had reason to expect a Reinforcement on the presumption that Government ordered one on the Receipt of my first Letter; still encouraged each other and hoped for the best: But suffered more uneasiness than when I was certain of an immediate attact, as I had more time to reflect; the Result of which was that the Illinois in a few months would be in possession of the English except the Garrison which I knew would not be disposed to surrender without the greatest distress. I sent off Horsemen to St. Vincents to take a Prisoner by which we might get intiligence, but found it impracticable on account of the high waters; but in the hight of our anxiety on the evening of the 29th of Jan. 1779 Mr. Vague [Vigo] a Spanish merchant, arrived from St. Vincents, and was there the time of its being taken, and gave me every intiligence that I could wish to have Governour Hamilton's Party confisted of about eight hundred when he took possession of that Post on the 17th day of december past: finding the Season too far spent for his intention against Kaskaskias had sent nearly the whole of his Indians out in different Parties to War: But to embody as soon as the weather would Permit and compleat his design: He had also sent messengers to the southern Indians, five hundred of whom he expected to join him only eighty Troops in Garrisson, (our Situation still appear'd desperate, it was at this moment I would have bound myself seven years a Slave, to have had five hundred Troops) I saw the only probability of our maintaining the Country was to take the advantage of his present weakness, perhaps we might be fortunate: I considered the Inclemency of the season, the badness of the Roads, &c., as an advantage to us, as they would be more off their Guard on all Quarters. I collected the Officers, told them the probability I thought there was of turning the scale in our favour. I found it the sentiment of every one of them and eager for it. Our Plans immediately concluded on, and sent An Express to Cohos [Cahokia] for the Return of Capt. McCarty & his Volunteers, and set about the necessary preparations in order to Transport my Artillery Stores, &c. ¹

By the 4th day of Jan (? Feby) I got every thing Compleat and on the 5th I marched being joined by two Volunteer companies of the Principal Young Men of the Illinois Commanded by Capt. McCarty and Frances Charlaville. Those of the troops was Captns Bowman & William Worthingtons of the light Horse, we were Conducted out of the Town by the Inhabitants and Mr. Jeboth [Fr. Pierre Gibault] the Priest, who after a very suitable Discourse to the purpose, gave us all Absolution, And we set out on a Forlorn hope indeed; for our whole Party with the Boats Crew consisted of only a little upwards of two hundred. I cannot account for it but I still had inward assurance of success, and never could when weighing every Circumstance doubt it: But I had some secret check. We had now a Rout before us of two hundred and forty miles in length, through, I suppose one of the most beautiful Country in the world, but at this time in many parts flowing with water and exceading bad marching, my greatest care was to divert the Men as much as possible in order to keep up their spirits; the first obstruction of any consequence that I met with was on the 13th, Arriveing at the two little Wabachees [Wabash] although three miles asunder they now make but one, the flowed water between them being at Least three feet deep, and in many places four: Being near five miles to the opposite Hills, the shallowest place, except about one hundred Yards, was three feet. This would have been enough to have stoped any set of men that was not in the same temper that we was.

But in three days we contrived to cross, by building a large Canoe, ferried across the two Channels, the rest of the way we waded; Building scaffolds at each to lodge our Baggage on until the Horses Crossed to take them; it Rained nearly a third of our march, but we never halted for it; In the evening of the 17th we got to the low Lands of the River Umbara, [Embarrass]  which we found deep in water, it being nine miles to St. Vincents, which stood on the East side of the Wabache and every foot of the way covered with deep water; we Marched down the little River in order to gain the Banks of the main, which we did in about three Leagues, made a small Canoe and sent an Express to meet the Boat and hurry it up; from the spot we now lay on (it) was about ten miles to Town, and every foot of the way put together that was not three feet and upwards under water would not have made the length of two miles and half, and not a mouthful of Provision; to have waited for our Boat, if possible to avoid it, would have been Impolitic. If I was sensible that you would let no Person see this relation, I would give You a detail of our suffering for four days in crossing those waters, and the manner it was done, as I am sure that You wou'd Credit it, but it is too incredible for any Person to believe except those that are as well acquainted with me as You are, or had experienced something similar to it. I hope you will excuse me until I have the pleasure of seeing you personally. But to our inexpressible Joy, in the evening of the 23d we got safe on Terra firma within half a League of the Fort, covered by a small Grove of Trees had a full view of the wished for spot (I should have crossed at a greater distance from the Town, but the White River comeing in just below us we were affraid of getting too near it.), we had Already taken some Prisoners that was coming from the Town. Laying in this Grove some time to dry our Clothes by the Sun we took another Prisoner known to be a friend by which we got all the Intiligence we wished for: but would not suffer him to see our Troops except a few. ²

If this narrative seems rather bland, it is because, as Clark puts it, “it is too incredible for any Person to believe.”  Lord willing, in my next post we’ll take up the story from Capt. Joseph Bowman’s perspective and hopefully fill in the fine details.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      George Rogers Clark, Campaign In The Illinois (Cincinnati, OH: Robert Clarke & Co., 1907), p. 53-5.

2)      Ibid., p. 56-7.

The Patriotism of Samuel Adams

Most everyone today must admit that there is a dearth of true patriot leaders in our country today.  Few are mindful of their constitutional obligations and fewer still are mindful of their obligations to God Who placed them into the positions that they hold.  With that in mind, I find it helpful to gain insight and courage from the example of those great men of the past.  One such man, who feared God and loved his country, was Samuel Adams.  Here are just a couple of episodes from his life where he exhibits the qualities that I fear are so conspicuous today by their complete absence.

More insidious assaults were made [against Adams], however, without success.  [Gov. Thomas] Hutchinson in his day had known Adams too well to try such means. "Why hath not Mr. Adams been taken off from his opposition by an office?" inquired members of the ministry. "Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man," was the reply, "that he never would be conciliated by any office of gift whatever." Gage was less wise, and made a trial which had an ignominious failure. In 1818 Mr. Adams's daughter related: The governor sent, by Colonel Fenton, who commanded one of the newly arrived regiments, a confidential and verbal message, promising Adams great gifts and advancement if he would recede, and saying it was the advice of Governor Gage to him not to incur the further displeasure of his majesty. Adams listened with apparent interest to this recital, until the messenger had concluded. Then rising, he replied, glowing with indignation: "Sir, I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people." There is some reason also for supposing that he was offered afterward a pension of two thousand guineas, and a patent of nobility in the American peerage which was projected. ¹

Here Adams writes to his wife from Philadelphia on November 29, 1776, relishing his role as a thorn in the side of the British.

-I am told that Lord [Richard] Howe has lately issued a Proclamation offering a general Pardon with the Exception of only four Persons viz Dr [Benjamin] Franklin Coll [Col] Richard Henry Lee Mr John Adams & my self. I am not certain of the Truth of this Report. If it be a Fact I am greatly obligd to his Lordship for the flattering opinion he has given me of my self as being a Person obnoxious to those who are desolating a once happy Country for the sake of extinguishing the remaining Lamp of Liberty, and for the singular Honor he does me in ranking me with Men so eminently patriotick. ²

Would that we all, those who love Christ and the liberty He provides, be so obnoxious to tyrants that we would be excluded from their offensive “pardons!”

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      James K. Hosmer, Samuel Adams (Boston, MA: The Riverside Press, 1886), p. 301-2.

2)      Harry A. Cushing, ed., The Writings of Samuel Adams, Vol. 3 (New York, NY: The Knickerbocker Press, 1907), p. 321.

A Scottish Doctor Defies The English King

Ok, this story is 17^th century and not 18^th century but I thought it was so remarkable I had to post it.  Below is the official government record of the trial and execution of the sentence against Alexander Leighton, the Scottish Presbyterian minister and physician.  If you’ve ever seen the movie “Cromwell” (which I would highly recommend) this is the same King Charles I whose subordinates tortured Leighton as described below.

Star Chamber Reports: 6 Charles I

Attorn. Regis versus Leighton.; Libel against his Majesty, the Peers and Bishops.

The Defendant being a Roman Catholick, framed and contrived a seditious Book against his Majesty, the Peers, Bishops and Prelates of this Kingdom, Intituled (An Appeal to the Parliament: Or, Sion's Plea against the Prelacy) and caused about five or six hundred of them to be printed, wherein were contained these traiterous, false, libellous and seditious Assertions and Positions following. 1. That we do not read of greater Persecutions, higher Indignity done upon God's People in any Nation professing the Gospel, than in this our Island. 2. He terms our Prelates Men of Blood, and Enemies to God and the State. 3. He faith it is the main and Master-Sin, the establishing and maintaining of Bishops within this Realm, and that Ministers should have Voices in Councils, both deliberative and decisive. 4. That the Prelacy of our Church is Antichristian and Satanical, and the Bishops Ravens and Pye-Maggots that prey upon the State. 5. That the Canons of our Church made 1603 are Nonsense-Canons. 6. He condemns the religious and devout Ceremony of Kneeling in receiving the Sacrament, alledging, that the Suggestion of false Fears to the King by the Prelacy, and the seeking of their own unlawful Standing brought forth that received Spawn of the Beast, Kneeling, &c. 7. He saith the Prelates corrupt the King, forestalling his Judgment against God and Goodness. 8. He calls our Queen the Daughter of Heth. 9. He impiously commends him that killed the Duke of Buckingham, and encourages others to do the like. 10. He scandals the King and Kingdom, saying, All that pass by us spoil us, and we spoil all that rely upon us, which being too well known, makes us odious to the World. 11. That no King may make Laws in the House of God; for if they might, then the Scriptures should be imperfect. Lastly, He adviseth all to consider then what a pity it is, and an indelible dishonour it will be to the State Representative, that so ingenious and tractable a King should be so monstrously abused by the bane of Princes, to the undoing of himself and his Subjects; and for this he was committed to the Fleet during Life, unless the King enlarge him; fined 10000 l. referred to the High Commission Court to be degraded of his Ministry, and then to be whipped at the Pillory at Westminster, and standing on the Pillory to lose one of his Ears, his Nose slit, and his Face branded with a double S. and in like fort to be whipped and lose his other Ear at the Pillory in Cheapside. ¹

First off, one almost has to laugh that Leighton is referred to as a “Roman Catholick.”  When you read the charges against Leighton here, it is very clear that he was anything but a Roman Catholic.  The enemies of God’s people seem to always falsely accuse them of being what those enemies themselves are.  Although England was nominally Protestant many of the ruling class was “Anglo-Catholic” in doctrine and practice and the Puritans and other dissenters often faced horrific persecution at their hands.  I have to admit that I had to look up the reference to Leighton calling the queen a “daughter of Heth” but once I found it, I had to chuckle. The reference is to Genesis 27:46 where Rebekah lamented to Isaac that she didn’t want Jacob to marry a “daughter of Heth,” that is, a woman outside the covenant community, a woman of the culture of the world.  Charles’ wife was a French Catholic (the movie “Cromwell” picks up on this) and hence that is the point Leighton was making.  Leighton argues for the headship of Christ alone over His church and that the earthly king has no authority to make laws governing the church.  In essence, Leighton merely promotes Reformed Theology and the logical cultural implications that grow out of it.  For his “crimes” he was tortured and disfigured in opposition to the very biblical law the English authorities and the king would have claimed they were upholding in punishing Leighton.  For those who sympathize with King Charles I and lament his execution, just read about the fates of Leighton and the other Reformers like him and realize that ultimately their blood rests on Charles’ hands.  For the rest of us, God grant that we would have such boldness to be like Leighton and proclaim the kingship of Christ over each and every aspect of life.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1 )       John Rushworth, "Star Chamber Reports: 6 Charles I," Historical Collections of Private Passages of State: Volume 3: 1639-40, British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=74930

Benjamin Franklin and the Patriot Prisoners

If the treatment of many of the American prisoners of war during the War for Independence was deplorable, then certainly the lack of a response from the British authorities to address that treatment must be equally so.  The American emissaries to France, Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane, did petition the British authorities for redress of the prisoners’ plight.

When Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane were in Paris they wrote the following letter to Lord Stormont, the English Ambassador to France.

                                                                              Paris, April 2nd, 1777.

My Lord:-

We did ourselves the honor of writing some time since to your Lordship on the subject of exchanging prisoners: you did not condescend to give us any answer, and therefore we expect none to this. We, however, take the liberty of sending you copies of certain depositions which we shall transmit to Congress, whereby it will be known to your Court, that the United States are not unacquainted with the barbarous treatment their people receive when they have the misfortune to be your prisoners here in Europe, and that if your conduct towards us is not altered, it is not unlikely that severe reprisals may be thought justifiable from a necessity of putting some check to such abominable practices. For the sake of humanity it is to be wished that men would endeavor to alleviate the unavoidable miseries attending a state of war. It has been said that among the civilized nations of Europe the ancient horrors of that state are much diminished; but the compelling men by chains, stripes, and famine to fight against their friends and relatives, is a new mode of barbarity, which your nation alone has the honor of inventing, and the sending American prisoners of war to Africa and Asia, remote from all probability of exchange, and where they can scarce hope ever to hear from their families, even if the unwholesomeness of the climate does not put a speedy end to their lives, is a manner of treating captives that you can justify by no other precedent or custom except that of the black savages of Guinea. We are your Lordship's most obedient, humble servants,

Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane. 

The reply to this letter was laconic. "The King's Ambassador recognizes no letters from Rebels, except when they come to ask mercy." ¹

Those British are just full of compassion, are they not?  One has to keep in mind that these events transpired just a little over 30 years since the destruction of the Scottish clans at Culloden, and the Americans had to expect similar reprisals if their efforts to assert their own liberty failed.  Mercy?  Ask the Scottish clans what kind of mercy “rebels” could expect from the British.  The treatment of the POW’s was just a foretaste of what the patriots could expect to suffer if they failed to win their independence.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)          Danske Dandridge, American Prisoners of the Revolution (Charlottesville, VA: The Michie Company, 1911), p. 161-2.