The sword is, as it were, consecrated to God; and the art of war becomes a part of our religion.” –Samuel Davies

Saturday, June 21, 2014

The Passing of John Gano

     John Gano spent his life ministering to the churches of Christ and even as a chaplain in the patriot forces during the War for Independence.  At the close of his life, he wrote out his memoirs.  This is the closing portion in his own words.

In the spring of the year 1798, I preached on Lord's day in the assembly room of the state house [KY?]. My son Stephen, who lives in Providence, (Rhode Island), this year paid me a visit, but did not stay long. He went to Cincinnati, (Ohio), to see his brother John.  My youngest son William, was then a clerk in my son John's Prothonotary Office.  He was anxious to have a collegiate education; and his two brother's [sic] encouraged him in it.  He, accordingly, with his brother Stephen, came over to consult me upon it, and I consented.  They started for Rhode Island, and went by the way of Cincinnati, and I accompanied them as far as my son Richard's, at Eagle Creek.  Here I took my last leave of my son William, who appeared much affected, and, afterwards, said he had taken his last farewell of his Father.  They proceeded on their journey and proposed visiting Doctor Thane, whose wife was sister to him.  The dear youth reached them, sick with a fever, of which he soon after died. He died, resigned to his fate, and in hopes of a blessed immortality; as I afterwards learnt by letter from my son Stephen.  Though his death much affected me, yet when I heard he died resigned, it appeared to me that it was all right; and that God had done all things well.
My sincere wish is, that all my children may live, 'till they are prepared to die; and that my prayers may be redoubled for them, knowing that ere long, both they and myself, must quit this stage of action, and go to judgment.  I see now, nothing worth living for; but to be more devoted to God, and the advantage of my family, and the church of God.  And, indeed it appears to me latterly, that I have lived beyond my usefulness; but I know I must wait for God's time, when he will unravel all the mysteries of his Providence.  I sometimes wonder, why God ever conducted me to Kentucky, when so little fruit or good effect of my poor labours have appeared, at least to myself! why, in this half dead condition, I am yet continued in life!  Yet, I have more cause to wonder, that ever God made me instrumental of good, at any time of life, or any where in the world; and that now I should be laid by, as an instrument out of use. 1

The remainder was written by a friend of Gano’s upon the passing of this great man.

The following account of the last days of Mr. Gano, is taken from a letter to one of his children, written by Mr. William Hickman, who was much with, and esteemed by Mr. Gano.  The letter, I believe, is nearly, verbatim.  Mr. Hickman observes:  ''that hearing Mr. Gano had a paralytic shock, he immediately went to see him, and asked him how he did?  He answered that he was half dead.  I did not then believe he would ever have come out of his house, again, alive.  He seemed willing to resign all to God, and to bear what he was pleased to lay on him; wishing the prayers of God's people, and that the travelling preachers would call, converse and preach.  At such times, which frequently occurred, he would sit in his chair and exhort to duty, and to flee from vice.  His longing, to get amongst his brethren, so raised his spirits, that in about a year, he ventured, in a carriage, to the Town-Fork, Bryants, and other places. When we apprehended his fatigues were too great, while preaching, some friend would support him, when he would preach with renewed ardour.
       It was the pleasure of heaven, about this time to visit the state with the out-pouring of his spirit.  This blessed harvest of souls, appeared to increase his joys, being desirous of being, as in years past, in the vineyard, although his half dead side forbid it.  When a little recovered, he would venture to the meeting house, on horse-back, where he would exhort, preach, pray and give counsel, sound and good, while he was supported by two persons to steady him.  At other times he would go to the water side at the administration of the ordinance of baptism, and advocate that mode.
       My visits to this father in Zion, being frequent, he one day, wished to have the worship of God attended in his house.  I spoke from these words; “Lord help me.”   I discovered him to be much in tears, and he appeared much affected.  When dismissed, while lying on the bed, he seized my hand, and in an extacy [sic] exclaimed, “The Lord has helped me!"  His cup appeared full and running over; and he often expressed a wish to depart, and be with Christ, which was far better; but patience he seemed to crave, and I believe God granted his request; for he had every mark of a soul waiting on God.
       On the Lord's day week, before his decease, I was in the pulpit, and observed one of the connections pass hastily across the floor and whisper to another, which led me to think some change had taken place.  After worship, I inquired, and heard he was very ill, and near his last.  I went to see him, and he appeared much altered, which induced me to think he was near home.  He appeared smiling, and in no great misery; nor would he ever own that he was.  His appetite failed him, and in the course of that week he wore away much; yet his senses and reason continued.  Myself and his family, set up the whole night, and I asked him a number of questions, being desirous of knowing the exercise of his mind.  He appeared permanently fixed on Jesus, as the rock of ages.  I asked him, what I should request of God in his behalf? His answer was, that he might enjoy his right mind, and be resigned to God's will.  His anxious eyes were upon his weeping children.  The night before he expired, I went to see him, went to the bed side and took hold of his hand, and asked if he knew me? he motioned in the affirmative.  I asked him if he was in much pain? he spoke so as to be heard, and said no.  I then asked him, if he wanted to be with Jesus? he said yes!  This was the last word, which could be understood, at least, so far as my recollection serves me.  I went to prayer with the family and friends, after which, he was taken with a fit, which continued with but little alteration till morning; when business called me away.   I bid him farewell in my mind, no more expecting to see him in life.  I went to visit another sick person in the course of the day, and called again in the evening, when I found him still breathing.  It had been my wish, for years, to close his eyes in death, should I survive him; but another call happening that evening, I left him in the hands of a faithful and able friend, and about ten o'clock of that night, being the 10th, day of August 1804, he got dismission from the church militant to the church triumphant; being in the 78th year of his age.” 2

       Lord-willing we will look at the life of another 18th century Baptist in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      John Gano, Biographical Memoirs of the Late Rev. John Gano (New York: Southwick & Hardcastle, 1806), p. 128-30. 
2)      Ibid., p.133-7.

Friday, June 13, 2014

A Missing Horse and the Advance of the Gospel

     In my last post, we looked at an excerpt from the memoirs of Rev. John Gano, a Baptist preacher who was travelling the Southern Appalachians in the mid 18th century.  Here is another look into Gano’s life.

I preached, on Lord's day, at Mars-bluff; where the people attended from a considerable distance. From here, I set off again, on my journey.  I was told there was a route to Tar-river, which would shorten the distance, near fifty miles; and a person offered to accompany me ten miles, provided I would stop at a place, on the banks of Cape-Fear, [I] told him, I could not stop, for I had made an appointment at Fish-creek, and it was necessary for me to proceed, in order to fulfil it. When I arrived at the last place, I meant to have started early in the morning, to avoid the importunities of the people. I was obliged, however, to tarry some time; for, in the morning, I could not find my horse, and was fully convinced, he was put out of the way on purpose.  After hunting for him several days, in vain, I was obliged to get another.  I, however, tarried here some time and preached, and I trust to the eternal welfare of many souls.  I have often thought, what a blessing, was in my disappointment, and how anxious I then was, to avoid that opportunity, of being instrumental in the conversion of the people.  I thought it a heaven upon earth; and the remembrance of it, even at this day, produces a strong wish to see one more such time, before I die.  The people presented me a horse, which they purchased of Mr. Fuller, their former minister.
Another circumstance of a singular nature, which took place here, I cannot pass over in silence.  A man in the neighbourhood of this place, who had formerly been a preacher,  but latterly had openly professed Deism, came to hear the last sermon that I preached.   I think I spoke from these words: “Acquaint now, thyself with him, and be at peace; and thereby good shall come unto you.”  As he had been pointed out to me, I watched him closely, and could not but observe the contempt he discovered  at   the  beginning of service; but before it ended, the tears rolled down his cheeks, and when I had finished, he came to me, and urged me to stay and preach again.  I replied, I had staid so long, that all those, who had any regard for God, and his word, had improved the opportunities of coming to hear me, and those that cared not for their own souls had rejected these opportunities.  After standing a moment, he asked me, where I expected to make the next stop.  I told him, about seventy miles off, at Fish creek, in North Carolina.  He offered to bear me company.  I told him, I had company.  At this reply, I observed his countenance to change; and I felt hurt, at the answer I had given him: I turned to him, and told him, that if he wished to converse with me about his soul, I should be glad of his company.  He said, that was his wish.  The next day we started, and on the road, he convinced me of that, which, before, I did not, and probably, now, should not believe,—that there might be an Atheist in principle.  That there were many in practice, was very evident.  He told me, that doubts arose in his mind respecting the divinity of Christ, the Bible, heaven, and a hell, till those doubts became very strong; when he connected himself with a set of Deists.  He afterwards joined the Atheists, who furnished him with books and arguments which established him in his infidelity, in which he had remained till yesterday; but under that sermon, he had such impressions, that nothing, but the operation of the divine  spirit could have made.  He said, he did not then doubt the existence of a God, but believed his word.  He said, his wish was to hear those arguments answered, which the Atheists advanced, that he might be enabled to resist future attacks.  I must confess, some of his arguments, gave me a little trouble to answer, either to his or my own satisfaction. 1

     Lord-willing we will look at Gano’s life again in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      John Gano, Biographical Memoirs of the Late Rev. John Gano (New York: Southwick & Hardcastle, 1806), p. 69-73.




Friday, May 30, 2014

An 18th Century Baptist Comedian?

       Some people believe that Baptist preachers have no sense of humor, but that certainly isn’t true.  Sometimes they can be very funny, just take this incident from the memoirs of John Gano as an example:

In my way to Mars-bluff [SC], on the Pedee, I lodged at the ferry-man's house.  He observed, that he believed I was a minister, and wished me to tell him, of the best and shortest way to heaven.  I told him that Christ was the best way; and that he must become experimentally acquainted with him, and believe in him, which was the hope of glory. — That after he had obtained this, the shortest way, that I knew, would be to place himself in the front of some army, in an engagement. 1

       Ok… so maybe it is an acquired taste!

       Lord willing we will take another look at the life of Rev. Gano in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      John Gano, Biographical Memoirs of the Late Rev. John Gano (New York: Southwick & Hardcastle, 1806), p. 69.




Saturday, May 17, 2014

The Conversion of John Gano

       It’s been some time since my last post.  Lately I’ve had a real desire to search into the histories of some of the early Baptist ministers who lived in the American colonies.  Recently I came across the autobiographical work of the Rev. John Gano, a Baptist minister and chaplain in the Continental Army during the War for Independence.  I thought his own story of his conversion to Christ would be an encouragement to all of God’s people, and so I share it here.

In early life I had some severe convictions of sins, conscious I must die and go to judgment; and that I must be renewed by grace, or perish as a sinner.  But these convictions were transient and of short duration.  As I advanced in years, I progressed in youthful vanity and sin.  I became exceedingly anxious to excel my companions in work and amusements, and especially in their country frolics and dances.  I was frequently admonished by my Parents for working to excess, but much more frequently for my attachment to vanity.  I cannot charge myself with irreverence to my parents; but when my pious mother would expostulate with me, I seized the opportunity to vindicate myself.  One morning when I came into her presence, having been out late the night before, she fixed her eyes upon me, said not a word, and the pious parental tear stole down her cheek, which struck me with more conviction than I ever remembered to have felt before, which I could not eradicate by any reply, and which caused these reflections to sink deep in my mind: "Do my present follies cause so much pain to the most pious and most tender of parents, what must be the consequence, when they recoil on my own soul! Recoil they must, if not before, at least in the day of judgment; and there I must see this parent, whose tears now condole my case, smile an acquiescent consent in the dreadful sentence of eternal banishment from the righteous judge."  These reflections caused many resolutions, which were shame fully broken for a time; yet a sense of my dangerous situation, would, now and then, fill my mind with melancholy sensations, and doth even now, while writing it. 
When I was about fifteen years of age, my brother Stephen, who was then in his twentieth year, died.  He was, before, and in the first part of his illness, deeply concerned for the salvation of his soul, of which, before his death, he professed a strong hope.  When he expressed this hope, and what he said under his conviction, greatly engaged my resolution to seek an acquaintance, if possible, with Christ.  Probably, great part of this exercise flowed from natural affections, as time gradually wore it away. This has caused me to omit many impressions which had some appearance of convictions, such as escapes from apparent danger of death, by various means incidental to youth; the deaths of others &c. &c.  Between two and three years after this, the dysentery seized the family excepting my father and myself.  They were brought exceeding low, and a brother and two sisters fell victims to the disorder; one of whom was in her twentieth year.  It was the more alarming to me, as it brought to my mind a prediction, which had been early imposed on my father, and which I had often heard him mention with apparent cheerfulness.  Which prediction was, that he would have many children, (as in reality he had,) and that three of them should die in their twentieth year.  As I was next in point of years, this thought continually haunted me, and made me sensible that I was not prepared for such an awful change.  Whenever I could dispel those gloomy thoughts, I was more at ease, and more vile and vain than ever, which continued and even increased until the christmas before I was nineteen years of age.
That time, I had determined to spend a jovial evening with my frolicing [sic] companions.  As, however, there was a sermon to be preached on that day, near to the place where I lived, I concluded to attend both.  After sermon, my mind turned on the inconsistency of my conduct, in spending the day, where God was served, and the night, in the service of the devil.  This led me to consider more closely than ever, that if a day was regarded as the birth of Christ, a holy Saviour, through whom alone we could look for salvation, — how improper it was to spend it in open rebellion!  This brought me to a resolution, — that I would spend my time in a more consistent manner, than I had done — and, blessed be God, before the year terminated, I was brought under serious impressions, which arose from a conversation with a person, whom I supposed really pious and sincere, he advanced something, which my own soul told me was just; but vainly supposing I could shake his belief, I readily undertook to argue with him, which so confused him, that he requested me to stop; with which I cheerfully complied, being fully satisfied with the victory I had obtained.  We parted, and in a few minutes it occurred to my mind, that I had acted improperly; — that I had been instigated by the devil, to oppose truth and glory.  I appeared to myself to be a worshipper of Satan ; and it seemed that all the advantages I possessed, were employed to the dishonour of God; and I thought it was a miracle of mercy and grace, that he did not make me an everlasting monument of his displeasure.  It became my ardent wish, that if there was a possibility of pardon for my sins and transgressions, I might not rest either night or day until I obtained it: which was in some measure the case, although my trials under conviction were of long continuance.  I embraced every opportunity in my power, in attending preaching, reading godly books, and praying either mentally or aloud.  There was a total change in my company and conduct.  But I soon found by experience, what I had early learned from my Bible, that a change of heart was necessary; and that the power of God's grace only could accomplish it; which, I was afraid, would never be granted.  I was, however, determined to seek it to the latest hour of my existence.  I cannot express the anguish, with which my mind was frequently oppressed, with the idea of being eternally banished from God, in endless despair, to everlasting destruction.  I saw I deserved it, and at times concluded it was unavoidable.  My prayers were selfish and sinful.  I often thought that I offended God in asking for par don, when justice appeared so pointedly against it.  In short, I appeared to myself the vilest of sinners, more worthless and odious than the meanest reptile, and the greatest hypocrite in the world.  It appeared that what I felt was only natural remorse, and not a genuine conviction that God's wrath was the prelude of his lasting displeasure.  Impressed with these feelings I concluded I was willing to be saved, and that if I waited the assistance of God, it was all I could do: for it was by his grace that I could be saved.  This in some measure afforded me a kind of deluded ease, until I heard a sermon from these words, in Solomon's Song, 3, xi, Go forth O ye daughters of Zion, and behold King Solomon, &c.  From which discourse I plainly saw the alienation of my heart, that the fault was owing to myself if I was not saved, and that God was waiting to be gracious.  Never before, had I seen so much of the evil of my hard and obstinate heart. From that time, the nature of my conviction was altered, and my grief was greater.  I knew that I must be changed, and that it was to be effected by God, and that he would affect it was my most fervent wish. But how he could be just and save me I knew not: that he could be just and condemn me, appeared plain. In this state, I remained for some time.  And it was some satisfaction to my mind, that God would secure his own glory, and the honour of his son.  In this temper of mind, the way of salvation, through the life, death, and mediation, of the glorious Saviour, appeared plain.  I contemplated on the amazing wisdom and goodness of God, and condescension of Christ.  My soul was enraptured, amazed, and confounded, that with all my ingratitude, I could still be saved.  My mind was enlightened, and my guilt and fear of punishment was removed.  Yet, notwithstanding the alteration I felt, I am not sensible that I thought of its being a real conviction; I was afraid my convictions would not be lasting; and I prayed for a continuance of them.  I was con strained at times to rejoice in God and his salvation; and in this state continued some time, until a sermon from these words, with light and power fasted on my mind : "Jesus, thou Son of David, have mercy on me."  I trust they were so applied, that I could not put them from me. They opened the way of salvation, the suitableness, fulness, and willingness of God; and I was enabled to appropriate them to myself, and rejoice in Christ.  This was the time, from which I dated my conversion, and I think I walked in the light of God's countenance, and had many blessed promises, which strengthened and confirmed my hope in, and humbled me before God. 1

       Lord willing we will take another look at the life of Rev. Gano in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      John Gano, Biographical Memoirs of the Late Rev. John Gano (New York: Southwick & Hardcastle, 1806), p. 12-20.




Saturday, February 22, 2014

Capt. Pittman Refutes... Global Warming????

       Well, it’s still cold and there’s still snow on the ground here!  But spring is right around the corner and with the warmer weather comes the opportunity to do some camping, trekking and living history events.  Today I figured we could take another look at Capt. Philip Pittman’s evaluation of the Illinois country during his stay there in the late 1760’s.  Here are some more excerpts from his account.

OF THE COUNTRY OF THE ILLINOIS
       The country of the Illinois is bounded by the Missisippi [sic] on the west, by the river Illinois on the north, by the rivers Ouabache [Wabash] and Miamis on the east, and the Ohio on the south.
       The air in general is pure, and the sky serene, except in the month of March and the latter end of September, when there are heavy rains and hard gales of wind. The months of May, June, July, and August, are excessive hot, and subject to sudden and violent storms; January and February are extremely cold; the other months of the year are moderate.  The principal Indian nations in this country are, the Cascasquias [Kaskaskias], Kaoquias [Cahokias], Mitchigamias, and Peoryas; these four tribes are generally called the Illinois Indians: except in the hunting seasons, they reside near the English settlements in this country, where they have built their huts.  They are a poor, debauched, and dastardly people.  They count about three hundred and fifty warriors.  The Peanquichas [Piankashaws], Mascoutins, Miamis, Kickapous, and Pyatonons [Wea], though not very numerous, are a brave and warlike people.  The soil of this country in general is very rich and luxuriant; it produces all sorts of European grains, hops, hemp, flax, cotton, and tobacco, and European fruits come to great perfection.  The inhabitants make wine of the wild grapes, which is very inebriating, and is, in colour and taste, very like the red wine of Provence.  The country abounds with buffalo, deer, and wild-fowl, particularly ducks, geese, swans, turkies, and pheasants. The rivers and lakes afford plenty of fish.
       In the late wars, New Orleans and the lower parts of Louisiana were supplied with flour, beer, wines, hams, and other provisions from this country: at present its commerce is mostly confined to the peltry and furs, which are got in traffic from the Indians; for which are received in return such European commodities as are necessary to carry on that commerce and the support of the inhabitants. 1

       I just had to chuckle when I read Pittman’s description of the climate of the Illinois country.  Not much has changed in the last 240 years, in spite of Al Gore’s alarms!  It is typical Illinois weather: hot in the summer and cold in the winter, and if the Lord tarries His coming, it will continue to be the same.  The natural provisions of this country haven’t changed much either.  God has certainly blessed this region with some of the best soil anywhere and wildlife is still very abundant.  In more recent years there has been an increase in the number of local vineyards and wineries.  The two things that have changed dramatically from Pittman’s time to now are the absence of the buffalo and the Indian tribes.

OF THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNTRY OF ILLINOIS
When belonging to the FRENCH.
       This country, when in possession of the French, was governed by a military officer, called the major-commandant, who was appointed by the governor of New Orleans;  he was always a man connected with the governor by interest or relationship; he was absolute in his authority, except in matters of life and death; capital offences were tried by the council at New Orleans: the whole Indian trade was so much in the power of the commandant, that nobody was permitted to be concerned in it, but  on condition of giving him part of the profits. Whenever he made presents to the Indians, in the name of his king, he received peltry and furs in return; as the presents he gave were to be considered as marks of his favour and love for them, so the returns they made were to be regarded as proofs of their attachment to him. Speeches accompanied by presents were called paroles de valeur; any Indians who came to a French port were subsisted at the expence [sic] of the king during their stay, and the swelling this account was no inconsiderable emolument.
       As every business the commandant had with the Indians was attended with certain profit, it is not surprising that he spared no pains to gain their affections; and he made it equally the interest of the officers under him to please them, by permitting them to trade, and making them his agents in the Indian countries.  If any person brought goods within the limits of his jurisdiction, without his particular licence [sic], he would oblige them to sell their merchandise, at a very moderate profit, to the commissary, on the king's account, calling it an emergency of government, and employ the same goods in his own private commerce: it may easily be supposed, from what has been before said, that a complaint to the governor of New Orleans would meet with very little redress.  It may be asked, if the inhabitants were not offended at this monopoly of trade and arbitrary proceedings? The commandant could bestow many favours on them, such as giving contracts for furnishing provisions, or performing publick works; by employing them in his trade, or by making their children cadets, who were allowed pay and provisions, and could when they were grown up recommend them for commissions. They were happy if by the most servile and submissive behaviour they could gain his confidence and favour.  Every person capable of bearing arms was enrolled in the militia, and a captain of militia and officers were appointed to each parish; the captain of militia regulated corvees and other personal service.  From this military form of government the authority of the commandant was almost universal. The commissary was a mere cypher, and rather kept for form than for any real use; he was always a person of low dependence, and never dared counteract the will of the commandant.
OF THE INHABITANTS.
       The first white inhabitants of the Illinois came from Canada; some brought wives and families with them, others married Indian women in those countries; there is still a continual intercourse between them and the Canadians.  The men of these countries are very superstitious and ignorant; they are in general active and well made; they are as good hunters, can bear as much fatigue, and are as well acquainted with the woods, as the Indians; most of them have some knowledge of the dialects of the neighbouring Indians and much affect their manners.  The price of labour in general is very high, as most of the young men rather chuse [sic] to hunt and trade amongst the Indians, than apply to agriculture or become handicrafts.  At the Illinois a man may be boarded and lodged the year round on condition of his working two months, one month in ploughing [sic] the land and sowing the corn, and one month in the harvest.  The only trades they have amongst them are carpenters, smiths, masons, taylors, and mill-wrights.  The number of white inhabitants in this country, exclusive of the troops, are about two thousand, of all ages and sexes; in this number are included those who live at Fort St. Vincent's on the Ouabache.  Thirty French soldiers were withdrawn from thence in the latter end of the year 1764.  The   inhabitants at this post live much at their ease, having every thing necessary for their subsistence of their own production.  Their commerce is the same as that of the other inhabitants of this country. 2

       Lord willing we will take a look at the 18th century in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      Capt. Philip Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Missisippi (London: J. Nourse, 1770), p. 51-2. 
2)      Ibid., p.53-5.




Saturday, February 8, 2014

Capt. Pittman's View of the French Country in Illinois

       It’s been a while since my last post.  Perhaps all this cold and snow is beginning to get to me!  I was excited last week, however, when I received my application for the “Les Pays des Illinois Colonial Trade Faire & Musket and Rifle Frolic,” which is held annually around the first weekend of April at Ft. de Chartres.  I always love getting the opportunity to spend time with friends at the “fort.”  This got me to thinking about how some of the early observers of the Illinois country perceived the locales surrounding Ft. de Chartres.  Here are some excerpts from the account of Captain Philip Pittman, an engineer with the British forces who had just recently began to take possession of these lands in the late 1760’s.

CASCASQUIAS
       The village of Notre Dame de Cascasquias [Kaskaskia] is by far the most considerable settlement in the country of the Illinois, as well from its number of inhabitants, as from its advantageous situation;  it stands on the side of a small river, which is about eighty yards across;  its source lies north-east, about sixty leagues from the village, and fifteen leagues east of the remarkable rock of Peorya, and it empties itself with a gentle current into the Missisippi [sic], near two leagues below the village.  This river is a secure port for large batteaux, which can lie so close to its bank as to load and unload without the least trouble; and at all seasons of the year there is water enough for them to come up.  It must be observed here, that it is extremely dangerous for batteaux or boats to remain in the Missisippi [sic], on account of the bank falling in, and the vast number of logs and trees which are sent down, with a violent force, by the rapidity of the current, as also on account of the heavy gales of wind to which this climate is subject.    Another great advantage that Cascasquias receives from its river is the facility with which mills for corn and planks may be erected on it: Mons. Paget was the first who introduced water-mills in this country, and he constructed a very fine one on the river Cascasquias, which was both for grinding corn and sawing boards;  it lies about one mile from the village.  The mill proved fatal to him, being killed as he was working in it, with two negroes, by a party of the Cherokees, in the year 1764.  The principal buildings are, the church and jesuits house, which has a small chapel adjoining to it; these, as well as some other houses in the village, are built of stone, and, considering this part of the world, make a very good appearance. The jesuits plantation consisted of two hundred and forty arpens  of cultivated land, a very good stock of cattle, and a brewery; which was sold by the French commandant after the country was ceded to the English, for the crown, in consequence of the suppression of the order.  Mons. Beauvais was the purchaser, who is the richest of the English subjects in this country; he keeps eighty slaves; he furnished eighty-six thousand weight of flour to the king's magazine, which was only a part of the harvest he reaped in one year.  Sixty-five families reside in this village, besides merchants, other casual people, and slaves.  The fort, which was burnt down in October 1766, stood on the summit of a high rock opposite the village, and on the other side of the river; it was an oblongular [sic] quadrangle, of which the exterior polygon measured two hundred and ninety by two hundred and fifty-one feet; it was built of very thick squared timber, and dove-tailed at the angles. An officer and twenty soldiers are quartered in the village.  The officer governs the inhabitants, under the direction of the commandant at fort Chartres.    Here are also two companies of militia.

LA PRAIRE DE ROCHES
       La Prairie De Roches [Prairie du Rocher] is about seventeen miles from Cascasquias; it is a small village, consisting of twelve dwelling-houses, all which are inhabited by as many families; here is a little chapel, formerly a chapel of ease to the church at Fort de Chartres.  The inhabitants here are very industrious, and raise a great deal of corn and every kind of stock.  This village is two miles from Fort Chartres; it takes its name from its situation, being built under a rock that runs parallel with the river Missisippi at a league distance, for forty leagues up.  Here is a company of militia, the captain of which regulates the police of the village.

FORT CHARTRES
       Fort Chartres when it belonged to France was the seat of government of the Illinois; the head quarters of the English commanding officer is now here, who is, in fact, the arbitrary governor of this country.  The fort is an irregular quadrangle, the sides of the exterior polygon are four hundred and ninety feet; it is built of stone and plaistered [sic] over, and is only designed as a defence against the Indians, the walls being two feet two inches thick, and pierced with loop-holes at regular  distances, and with two port-holes for cannon in the faces, and two in the flanks of each bastion; the ditch has never been finished; the entrance to the fort is through a very handsome rustic gate: within the wall is a small banquette, raised three feet, for the men to stand on when they fire through the loop-holes.  The buildings within the fort are, the commandant's and commissary's houses, the magazine of stores, corps de garde, and two barracks; these occupy the square.  Within the gorges of the bastions are, a powder magazine, a bakehouse, a prison, in the lower floor of which are four dungeons, and in the upper two rooms, and an out-house belonging to the commandant.  The commandant's house is thirty-two yards long, and ten broad; it contains a kitchen, a dining-room, a bed-chamber, one small room, five closets for servants, and a cellar.  The commissary's house (now occupied by officers) is built in the same line as this, its proportions and distribution of apartments are the same.  Opposite these are the store-house and guard-house, they are each thirty yards long and eight broad; the former consists of two large store-rooms (under which is a large vaulted cellar) and a large room, a bed-chamber, and a closet for the store-keeper; the latter, of a soldier's and officer's guard-rooms, a chapel, a bed-chamber and closet for the chaplain, and an artillery store-room.  The lines of barracks have never been finished; they at present consist of two rooms each, for officers, and three rooms for soldiers; they are good spacious rooms of twenty-two feet square, and have betwixt them a small passage.  There are fine spacious lofts over each building which reach from end to end; these are made use of to lodge regimental stores, working and intrenching [sic] tools, &c.  It is generally allowed that this is the mod commodious and best built fort in North America.  The bank of the Missisippi, next the fort, is continually falling in, being worn away by the current, which has been turned from  its course by a sand-bank, now encreased [sic] to a considerable island covered with willows: many experiments have been tried to stop this growing evil, but to no purpose.  When the fort was began in the, year 1756, it was a good half mile from the water-side; in the year 1766 it was but eighty paces; eight years ago the river was fordable to the island, the channel is now forty feet deep.  In the year 1764 there were about forty families in the village near the fort, and a parish church, served by a Franciscan friar, dedicated to St. Anne.  In the following year, when the English took possession of the country, they abandoned their houses, except three or four poor families, and settled at the villages on the west side of the Missisippi, chusing [sic] to  continue under the French government.

SAINT  PHILIPPE
       Saint Philippe is a small village about five miles from Fort Chartres, in the road to Kaoquias [Cahokia]; there are about sixteen houses and a small church standing; all the inhabitants, except the captain of militia, deserted it in 1765, and went to the French side: the captain of militia has about twenty slaves, a good stock of cattle, and a water-mill for corn and planks. This village stands in a very fine meadow, about one mile from the Missisippi.

KAOQIAS
       The village of Sainte Famille de Kaoquias [Cahokia] is generally reckoned fifteen leagues from Fort Chartres, and six leagues below the mouth of the river Missoury [Missouri]; it stands near the side of the Missisippi, and is masked from the river by an island of two leagues long; the village is opposite the center of this island; it is long and straggling, being three quarters of a mile from one end to the other; it contains forty-five dwelling-houses, and a church near its center.  The situation is not well chosen, as in the floods it is generally overflowed two or three feet.  This was the first settlement on the river Missisippi.  The land was purchased of the savages by a few Canadians, some of whom married women of the Kaoquias nation, and others brought wives from Canada, and then resided there, leaving their children to succeed them.  The inhabitants of this place depend more on hunting, and their Indian trade, than on agriculture, as they scarcely raise corn enough for their own consumption: they have a great deal of poultry and good stocks of horned cattle.  The mission of St. Sulpice had a very fine plantation here, and an excellent house built on it; they sold this estate, and a very good mill for corn and planks, to a Frenchman who chose to remain under the English government.  They also disposed of thirty negroes and a good stock of cattle to different people in the country, and returned to France in the year 1764. What is called the fort is a small house standing in the center of the village; it differs in nothing from the other houses except in being one of the poorest; it was formerly enclosed with high pallisades, but these were torn down and burnt.  Indeed a fort at this place could be of but little use. 1

       Lord willing we will take a look at more of the things of yore in my next post.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      Capt. Philip Pittman, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Missisippi (London: J. Nourse, 1770), p. 42-8.




Friday, January 24, 2014

Backus' Appeal to American Baptists

       In my last post, we saw Isaac Backus lay out his belief that the Scriptures taught that a true church is comprised of born-again believers in the Lord Jesus Christ.  Not only did Backus contend for the rights of King Jesus to rule over His church, he also had to contend against the propensity of the state in his day to meddle into the sphere of the church’s sovereignty.  The Massachusetts Baptists made their appeals to the Massachusetts Assembly, the Continental Congress, and finally to the colonies as a whole.  Here is an excerpt of their appeal:

       The [Warren Baptist] association which met this year, 1775, at Warren, 'agreed that our agent and committee be desired to draw up a letter to all the Baptist societies on this continent, stating the true nature and importance of religious liberty, and signifying that we think that a general meeting of delegates from our societies in every colony is expedient, as soon as may be, to consult upon the best means and methods of obtaining deliverance from various encroachments which have been made upon that liberty, and to promote the general welfare of our churches, and of all God's people throughout the land; and to desire that our friends in each Colony would communicate their sentiments concerning the design, and time and place of meeting, with all convenient speed.'  In accordance with this direction the agent prepared an address, portions of which are subjoined:

"To all Christian people in the American Colonies, and especially to those who are of the Baptist denomination: —
       "While the united inhabitants of this vast continent are appealing to heaven against the open attempts that have been made against their liberties, it is surely of great importance that we all regard that law of heaven: Make straight paths for your feet.  And can we do so, if we are not as earnest for the removal of oppression from among ourselves, as we are to repel its encroachments from abroad?  An ingenious author well observes, —' That the power of decreeing rites and ceremonies is a power absolutely indefinite, and of the very same kind with those claims which in things of a civil nature always give the greatest alarm.  A tax of a penny is a trifle; but the power of imposing that tax, is never considered as a trifle, because it may imply absolute servitude in all who submit to it.  Our ancestors, the old Puritans, had the same merit in opposing the imposition of the Surplice that Hampden had in opposing the levying of ship-money.   In neither case was it the thing itself they objected to, so much as the authority that enjoined it, and the danger of the precedent.   And it appears to us that the man who is as tenacious of his religious as he is of his civil liberty, will oppose them both with equal firmness."  And is not the power of levying money for religious ministers as dangerous to liberty, as the power of decreeing rites and ceremonies?  Yea, more so; for they who can command the purse, either in Church or State, can usually carry the day in other affairs. * * * As the Baptist churches in the Massachusetts Colony have been brought to view things in this light, many of their elders and brethren at a meeting in Warren, September 13, 1776, desired us, the subscribers, to write to all the societies of our denomination in the American Colonies upon the subject of religious liberty, and to signify to them that a general meeting of delegates from our societies in each colony, we think, is very expedient, as soon as may be, to consult upon the best means and methods for obtaining and establishing full and equal religious liberty throughout this continent, and to promote the general welfare of all; so that truth and peace may prevail, and glory dwell in our land.  And to request our friends in each colony to communicate their sentiments of the design and of the time and place of meeting, with all convenient speed. * * * Our Lord and Saviour has let us know as plainly as words can express, that his kingdom is not of this world; but that it is founded in and supported by the truth.  And he says: 'Every one that is of the truth, heareth my voice.'  Neither can anything be true religion that is not a voluntary obedience to him.  The evident design of civil government is, to arm particular men with the sword, enforced by the power of the whole politic body, to restrain and punish such as violate the rules of justice and equity, to guard the civil peace; and so to be ministers of God for good to all the community.  But for them to empower the majority of any town or place, to judge for their neighbors, who shall be teachers and guides to their souls, and to force those who do not choose them to support them, is going as much out of their jurisdiction as ever the Parliament of Britain did in taxing America.  And how can we answer it, either to posterity or to our great and impartial Judge, if we do not exert ourselves as honestly and earnestly for the defence and establishment of religious liberty as we do for that which is only of a civil and worldly nature?  We say, as honestly and earnestly; but not with the same weapons.  For Jesus says: 'If my kingdom were of this world, my servants would fight that I should not be delivered to the Jews; but now is my kingdom not from hence.  To this end was I born, and for this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness unto the truth.'
"That we may all in our stations bear our proper witness unto the truth, and against the corruptions and oppressions of the present day, is the hearty desire and prayer of your servants for Jesus' sake.

                              Isaac Backus, Nathan Plimpton, Asaph Fletcher.  Per Order."  1

       Lord willing in my next post we will look once again at the works of God in the days of our fathers.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      Alvah Hovey, A Memoir of the Life and Times of the Rev. Isaac Backus, A.M. (Boston, MA: Gould and Lincoln, 1859), p. 228-31.




Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Backus Defends Religious Liberty

        Not only was the 18th century American Baptist minister Isaac Backus a great defender of Gospel truth, he was also a great defender of religious liberty in a free society.  He was appointed as a representative of the Warren Association to present the grievances of the non-Bostonian Baptists to the civil leadership of the colonies.  Here in this letter Backus brings a London friend up to speed on what was happening to those who opposed the Congregationalist majority tyranny in Massachusetts.  (Look for the mention of our missionary friend David Jones!)

       The following letter to the Rev. Dr. Stennett, of London, describes the immediate results of the circular just given:

"MIDDLEBORO', Oct. 9, 1773.

       "Rev. And Dear Sir: As our Association have chosen me to be their agent here, in the room of our beloved friend, Mr. John Davis, deceased, I am set down to write you some answer to yours of Aug. 6, 1772, addressed to him.  The ill state of his health had induced him to return to Pennsylvania before it arrived at Boston; it was sent after him, but I suppose never reached him.  For, with Mr. David Jones, he set out on a visit to the western Indians, but was taken sick near the Ohio, and after an illness of three weeks, died there, the 13th of last December, in the thirty-sixth year of his age.  A very just character was given him from Philadelphia, in which are these words:  'He was an entertaining companion, possessed of uncommon calmness of temper. In preaching, he endeavored to reach the understanding of his audience.  Educated in the genuine principles of liberty, born under one of the happiest of civil constitutions, he felt with the keenest sensibility for the oppressed, and when his duty called, with a manly and virtuous boldness he defended them.'  This is a true sketch of the character of that valuable friend we mourn the loss of.
       "Pennsylvania, his native colony, enjoys that religious liberty which he soon found the want of here.  Upon search, he found that our charter gives equal religious liberty as well as theirs, and that what is called the religious establishment in this Province stands only upon some laws made by the Congregationalists to support their way, which [laws] happened not to be timely discovered by the powers at home, but [which] are really in their nature contrary to our charter.  And when they tried to call a Provincial Synod in 1725, an express was sent from the British court against it, in which it was declared that their way was not established here.  Therefore Mr. Davis judged it to be our duty to strike more directly at the root of our oppressions than we had before done.
       "And though he is taken from us, yet the cause remains the same; and last May our committee were called together at Boston, when we had late accounts of the sufferings of our brethren in sundry places and in violation of the Pedobaptists' own laws; upon which we wrote to all our churches to consider and to give their mind upon the affair.  Accordingly, they sent in their thoughts to our association at Medfield, Tuesday, September 7th; and though we were agreed that our Legislature had no right to impose religious taxes upon us, yet some doubted the expediency of our now refusing any compliance with their laws in that respect; and since we were not all of a judgment in this case, they stood against our coming to any vote upon it, lest our want of union therein should give an advantage to our adversaries.  Thus matters labored all day Wednesday, until many of the brethren became very uneasy about being thus held back.  But on Thursday morning, Mr. Stillman, who had been against our coming to a vote, brought in the following paper, which was unanimously adopted:
       1. That the mind of the association respecting giving or not giving certificates, be taken by written vote, in order to confine the difference which subsists among us on this matter, in the association.
       2. That those churches that agree to neglect the law for the future, shall, in a spirit of meekness, plead as the reason, that they cannot, in conscience, countenance any human laws that interfere in the management of the kingdom of Christ, which is not of this world.
       3. That the churches which think it expedient to give certificates for the present, be advised by letter how many are of a contrary mind, and be desired to consider the matter against the next association, and to unite with their brethren if possible.
       4. That the churches allow each other entire liberty, without any hard thoughts one of another.
       5. That all the churches which shall be called to suffer through the year, shall transmit an account of such sufferings to their agent, to be made use of by him as may be thought best to subserve the common cause.
       6. That our true state, with what we have transacted at this association, be sent to our agents in England, and their opinion be requested by the next meeting of the churches.
       7. That if any are called to suffer, their sister churches be applied to, to assist them in their trouble.
       "When we came to act upon the first of these articles, there appeared thirty-four elders and brethren against giving any more certificates, six for it, and three at a loss how to act.  Then it was voted by all that an appeal to the public, which I had read in part to them, should be examined by our committee and then published.  And our association was dismissed in a very comfortable and happy manner, and all seemed well pleased with what was done.  The following week our committee met at Boston and deliberately examined and approved of our appeal, a copy of which I now send you.  We were privately encouraged in this attempt for religious liberty by several members of both houses of our great General Court; and the state of people's minds of various ranks through New England is such that I cannot but hope to obtain our freedom without a necessity of appealing to his Majesty.  The use of force in religious affairs is become odious to great numbers besides our own denomination, and that is increasing very fast.
       "Thus, dear sir, I have given you as concise and just an account of our state as I can; and we request the best advice from yourself, Dr. Slewalen and Mr. Wallin, that you can give us.  We are greatly obliged to you all for the friendship and favors you have already shown us, especially concerning the case of Ashfield, for which we hope and pray that God may abundantly reward you.
       "By the printed minutes I send you, it appears that we have one thousand one hundred and sixty-one church members in our association, and I suppose there are full as many more within the Provinces of Massachusetts and New Hampshire only; which are but two of the four governments of New England; and full two-thirds of all those have been baptized within these seventeen years; and the abundant evidence I have that the pure doctrines of grace set home by the power of the divine Spirit, have been the cause of it, affords me unspeakable satisfaction.  Brother Hinds, who lives nine miles south of me, has been favored with a glorious visitation this year, and he has baptized four more since the meeting of the association.  In such a new state and rapid increase of churches, you, sir, must be sensible that we stand in great need of the best assistance that can be had.  I therefore hope for some from yourself and brethren to be communicated to

                                                    Your unworthy brother in gospel bonds,

                                                               Isaac Backus." 

       The "appeal" mentioned in this letter was a pamphlet of sixty-two pages.  After a preface designed to show that civil government is conducive and even necessary to individual freedom, it lays down the position "that God has appointed two kinds of government in the world, which are distinct in their nature and ought never to be confounded together; one of which is called civil, the other ecclesiastical government," and then proceeds in the first section to specify "some essential points of difference between them."  The next section shows how "civil and ecclesiastical affairs are blended together among us, to the depriving of many of God's people of that liberty of conscience which he has given them."  At the close of this section an injurious reproach is thus noticed: "Though many of us have expended ten or twenty times as much in setting up and supporting that worship which we believe to be right, as it would have cost us to have continued in the fashionable way, yet we are often accused of being covetous for dissenting from that way, and refusing to pay more money out of our little incomes, to uphold men from whom we receive no benefit but rather abuse."  Section third gives a brief account of what the Baptists had suffered under the existing laws and of their reasons for refusing any active compliance with them.  These reasons, directed chiefly against the giving of certificates, were substantially as follows:  1. "Because to give certificates implies an acknowledgment that civil rulers have a right to set up one religious sect above another; which they have not.  2. Because civil rulers are not representatives in religious matters, and therefore have no right to impose religious taxes.  3. Because such practice emboldens the actors therein to assume God's prerogative; and to judge the hearts of those who do not put into their mouths.  4. Because the church is to be presented as a chaste virgin to Christ; and to place her trust and love upon any other for temporal support, is playing the harlot, and so the way to destroy all religion.  5. Because the practice tends to envy, hypocrisy, and confusion, and so to the ruin of civil society."  1

       This put the Baptists in a difficult spot.  Their Congregationalist oppressors were infringing on their liberty of conscience by compelling them by force of civil law to provide financially for the state church with which they had some theological disagreement.  Yet they were hesitant to reach out to London for redress since they were also in agreement with their fellow countrymen in resisting the usurpations of the mother country.  What to do?  Lord willing in my next post we’ll begin to look at Backus’ efforts in defense of religious liberty.

Christ, not man, is King!
Dale

1)      Alvah Hovey, A Memoir of the Life and Times of the Rev. Isaac Backus, A.M. (Boston, MA: Gould and Lincoln, 1859), p. 190-5.