George Washington Dodges A Bullet

       I always love a neat story, especially when that story is just rife with the “what-if’s” that make history more than just the dry, dusty recitation of facts.  Here is such a story that involves the providential deliverance of none other than George Washington himself during the battle of Brandywine in September of 1777!

       In a private letter from Captain [Patrick] Ferguson, to his kinsman, Dr. Adam Ferguson, he details a very curious incident, which occurred while he lay, with his riflemen, in the skirt of a wood, in front of [Gen. Wilhelm von] Knyphausen's division.  "We had not lain long," says Captain Ferguson, "when a Rebel officer, remarkable by a hussar dress, passed towards our army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us.  He was followed by another, dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkably high cocked hat.  I ordered three good shots to steal near to and fire at them; but the idea disgusting me, I recalled the order.  The hussar, in returning, made a circuit, but the other passed within a hundred yards of us, upon which I advanced from the wood towards him.  Upon my calling, he stopped; but after looking at me, he proceeded.  I again drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling [sic] my piece at him; but he slowly cantered away.  As I was within that distance, at which, in the quickest firing, I could have lodged half a dozen balls in or about him, before he was out of my reach, I had only to determine; but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual, who was acquitting himself very coolly of his duty—so I let him alone.  The day after, I had been telling this story to some wounded officers who lay in the same room with me, when one of the surgeons, who had been dressing the wounded Rebel officers, came in, and told us, that they had been informing him that General Washington was all the morning with the light troops, and only attended by a French officer in hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted in every point as above described.  I am not sorry that I did not know at the time who it was.”

       A British writer suggestively remarks, in this connection, that, "unfortunately Ferguson did not personally know Washington, otherwise the Rebels would have had a new General to seek."  Had Washington fallen, it is difficult to calculate its probable effect upon the result of the struggle of the American people.  How slight, oftentimes, are the incidents which, in the course of events, seem to give direction to the most momentous concerns of the human race.  This singular impulse of Ferguson, illustrates, in a forcible manner, the over-ruling hand of Providence in directing the operation of a man's mind when he himself is least of all aware of it.

       There is, however, some doubt whether it was really Washington whom Ferguson was too generous to profit by his advantage.  James Fenimore Cooper relates, in the New York Mirror, of April sixteenth, 1831, on the authority of his late father-in-law, Major John P. DeLancey, some interesting facts, corroborating the main features of the story.  DeLancey was the second in command of Ferguson's riflemen, and had seen Washington in Philadelphia the year before the commencement of the war. "During the manoeuvres [sic] which preceded the battle of Brandywine,'' said Mr. Cooper, "these riflemen were kept skirmishing in advance of one of the British columns.  They had crossed some open ground, in which Ferguson was wounded in the arm, and had taken a position in the skirts of a thick wood.  While Captain DeLancey  was occupied in arranging a sling for Ferguson's wounded arm, it was reported that an American officer of rank, attended  only  by a mounted orderly, had ridden into the open ground, and was then within point-blank rifle shot.  Two or three of the best marksmen stepped forward, and asked leave to bring him down.  Ferguson peremptorily refused; but he went to the wood, and showing himself, menaced the American with several rifles, while he called to him, and made signs to him to come in. The mounted officer saw his enemies, drew his reins, and sat looking at them attentively for a few moments.

       "A sergeant," continues Mr. Cooper, "now offered to hit the horse without injuring the rider, but Ferguson still withheld his consent, affirming that it was Washington reconnoitering, and that he would not be the instrument of placing the life of so great a man in jeopardy by so unfair means.  The horseman turned and rode slowly away.  To his last moment, Ferguson maintained that the officer whose life he had spared was Washington.  I have often heard Captain DeLancey relate these circumstances, and though he never pretended to be sure of the person of the unknown horseman, it was his opinion, from some particulars of dress and stature, that it was the Count Pulaski.  Though in error as to the person of the individual whom he spared, the merit of Major Ferguson is not at all diminished “ by its supposed correction.

       Captain Ferguson, as we have seen, encountered some American sharp-shooters in the battle as keen and skillful as himself in the use of the rifle, and received a dangerous wound which so shattered his right arm, as to forever after render it useless. ¹

       Whether the “Rebel officer” was Washington or not (and I like to think that it was) is not important here.  If God moves the hearts of kings to accomplish His sovereign purposes (Prov. 21:1), then certainly He can and will move the hearts of lesser personages to do the same.  Ferguson himself will meet his fate on the slopes of King’s Mountain in October in 1780 after having inadvertently roused the “over mountain” men to oppose his forces.  That is another great story in itself… perhaps sometime we may cover that one too, Lord willing.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      Lyman C. Draper, King’s Mountain and Its Heroes (Cincinnati, OH: Peter G. Thomson, 1881), p. 52-5.

David Jones Visits The Delaware

       When we last left off from following David Jones through his journal, he was just beginning to wrap up his tour of the Shawnee towns and proceed on.  We’ll pick up his story there.

       No company presenting, and matters not wearing the best aspect, concluded not to go to the Waindots [Wyandottes], but to direct my course to the Delaware Indians; having got a horse through the kindness of Mr. Irwine, which cost me twenty-five dollars: and being somewhat furnished with provisions for my journey, on Monday February 8 [1773], about ten o'clock, parted with my good friends at Chillicaathee [Chillicothe], and set out alone, passing through Pickaweeke [Piqua]; came before night to Kiskapookee [Kispoko Town?], which is situated on a creek that soon empties into Siota [Scioto].  The town is near one mile from the river.  This day's journey was more than twenty miles—the course near northeast and by north.   For the first eight miles, was not without some apprehensions of being pursued, but after that, was very little disturbed in mind.  At this town my lodging was with Mr. Richard Butlar, brother to William Butlar before mentioned.  His usage was kind and generous, not only preparing wheat cakes for my journey, but he also gave me two pair of leggins to barter for provisions by the way; for these Indians as yet have not the use of money.  In the morning my horse could not be found, and by that  means missed of company: however about one o'clock passed over Siota in a canoe, in company with Mr. Butlar, who was so kind as to see me over, because I could not converse with Indians about my ferriage.    The lad that brought me over is a white captive.  When I spoke to him, was very sorry to see him shake his head, and reply, "Motta keeno toleeh neekaana,” i.e. I do not understand you, my friend.  There remain a considerable number of captives in this nation, which were all to have been restored at the conclusion of the last peace, and without doubt the agent has in this point been deficient.  The country through which I passed to day, appears very excellent, only it abounds very much with bogs, or what may be called fresh marshes, so that perhaps it may not be best for health; but promises to be extraordinary for stock.  My course to day was about northeast.  As I passed a certain place called the Great Lick, saw the last flock of parrots [Carolina parakeets].  These birds are in great abundance about Siota in winter, and in summer 'tis probable they may be seen much further towards the north.  Having set out very late, night came on before I arrived to the next town.  My road was very small, and the night dark in this wide wilderness, made my travelling more disagreeable than can be easily expressed: but before nine o'clock, came safe to Mr. McCormick's at the Standing Stone.  This town consists chiefly of Delaware Indians.  It is situated on a creek called Hockhockin [sic]. The soil about this is equal to the highest wishes, but the creek appears muddy.  Though it is not wide, yet it soon admits large canoes, and from hence peltry is transmitted to Fort Pitt.  Overtook here Mr. David Duncan, a trader from Shippen’s town, who was going to Fort Pitt.

       Wednesday 10, intending to travel forty miles, set out early in the morning—our course more northerly than northeast—the land chiefly low and level—and where our horses broke thro' the frost, it might be called bad road and good land.  There were no inhabitants by the way.  Before night, came to the designed town, called Dan. Elleot's wife's; a man of that name was said to have here a fquaa [sic] for his pretended wife.  This is a small town consisting of Delawares and Shawannees.  The chief is a Shawannee woman, who is esteemed very rich—she entertains travellers— there were four of us in company, and for our use, her negro quarter was evacuated this night, which had a fire in the middle without any chimney (This woman has several negroes who were taken from Virginia in time of last war, and now esteemed as her property).  This woman has a large flock, and supplied us with milk.  Here also we got corn for our horses at a very expensive price: but Mr. Duncan paid for me here, and in our journey till we parted.  About a mile before we came to this town, we crossed a clear large stream, called Salt Lick Creek, which empties into Muskingum, on which the chief Delaware town is situated.  The country here appeared calculated for health, fertile and beautiful.

       Thursday 11, set out for a small town called Conner's, a man of that name residing there.

       Our course was near northeast—the distance was less than the preceding day's journey, so that we arrived to town some time before sunset.  Travelled this day over a good country, only wanting inhabitants.  This town is situated near no creek, a good spring supplying them with water—the land about it is level and good, the timber being chiefly blackoak, indicates it will produce good wheat, if a trial was made.  Mr. Conner, who is a white man, a native of Maryland, told me that he intended to sow wheat in the fall following, and was resolved to proceed to farming at all events.  'Tis probable that he will be as good as his word, for he is a man that seems not to fear God, and it is likely that he will not regard man.  His connections will favour his attempts, for according to their way, he and the chief Indian of this town are married to two sisters.  These women were captives, and it is likely from childhood, for they have the very actions of Indians, and speak broken English.  It seemed strange to me to see the captives have the exact gestures of Indians.  Might we not infer from hence, that if Indians were educated as we are, they would be like us?  This town consists of Shawannees and Delawares; and some of them dwell in pretty good log houses well shingled with nails.  Mr. Conner keeps a sort of a tavern, and has moderate accommodations, and though he is not what he should be, yet he was kind to me.

       Friday 12, here we parted with some of our company, whose absence was very agreeable, and in company with Mr. Duncan, set out for New-Comer's Town, which is the chief town of the Delawares.  Had gone but a few miles till we came to the Little Shawannee Woman's Town.  This is situated on the well side of Muskingum, and chiefly consists of Shawannees.  Here we crossed the river in a canoe, our horses swimming by it's [sic] side. The country began to be hilly, interspersed with some barren plains.  We passed Captain White Eye's Town, but this noted Indian was down Ohio, perhaps with my old interpreter, so that I could not have the satisfaction of seeing him this time, but I saw him several times the first visit.  He was the only Indian I met with in all my travels, that seemed to have a design of accomplishing something future.  He told me that he intended to be religious, and have his children educated.  He saw that their way of living would not answer much longer—game grew scarce—they could not much longer pretend to live by hunting, but must farm,  &c.— But said, he could not attend to matters of religion now, for he intended to make a great hunt down Ohio, and take the skins himself to Philadelphia.  I was informed that he accomplished this, and went round by the gulf of Florida to Philadelphia.  On this occasion, could not but think of that text of scripture, which says, "one went to his farm and another to his merchandise."  And it may be said, the Indian went to his hunting.  This was the case last year, and perhaps something as important may employ the next year, and so the life of man is spent, few remembring [sic] that ONE THING is needful. ¹

       How many others are like this Indian, or like Festus, who was waiting for a more “convenient season” to hear the Gospel message (Acts 24:25)?  We are not promised tomorrow; today salvation is offered through repentance and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ.  We ought to respond to God’s gracious call today and not put it off until a “tomorrow” which we may never see.

       A FEW miles north of White Eye's town, there is a small town, where we obliged our horses to take the river, following them in a small canoe belonging to the Indians.  Thence travelled over very hilly land till we came within two or three miles of New-Comer's Town, and from that to town the land is agreeable and appears good for wheat.  Came to town before night, and found it was a great triennial feast, consequently little could be done till that ended.  From the great town Chillicaathee to this chief town of the Delawares, is called one hundred and thirty miles.  The course may be estimated near northeast, but as the path goes, it varies in many places.  This town is situated on the west side of the river Muskingum, which is a pretty large stream.  The proper pronunciation in Indian is Mooskingung, i.e. Elk Eye River.  In their language an elk being called moos.  This town takes its name from the name of the king, who is called Neetotwhealemon, i.e. New-Comer. ²

       When we pick up Jones’ story again, Lord willing, we will meet another familiar friend.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in the Years 1772 and 1773 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774), p. 63-7. 

2)      Ibid., p. 67-8.

Shawnee Sociology, pt. 2

       In our last post, David Jones began his synopsis of Shawnee culture.  Here is the conclusion of his analysis.

DIVERSIONS.

       In the winter season, part of their time is spent at playing a game which they call Mamundis, but this is more common among the Delawares: their minds are more attracted to cards, which, some white people say, they have learned from the French.  This might be only an excuse for their own bad conduct. They are most indefatigable dancers, continuing almost every night in the winter to near twelve o'clock. Their musick [sic] is only a skin stretched over a keg—on this the musician beats with one stick.  As an assistant another stands up shaking in his hand a gourd, that has a parcel of grains of corn in it.  But as they dance, all sing, so that the echo of their united voices may be heard at a great distance.  Fishing and hunting employ their men in summer, and raising corn the women.

       The women are the only drudges, but in return possess the riches; for what in summer the men make, is chiefly given to the women for their winter's lodging.  Among their diversions their mock-devils are none of the least.  Indeed they may be esteemed as a great curiosity; and so shocking is their appearance, that had not Mr. Braynard described them, should have been more surprised.  These they call Monneetoes.   Not long before my departure, three of these made their appearance, in consequence as they said of a dream.  Being premonished [sic], went out of the cabin, while they were distant near one hundred yards.  'Tis more than probable that the Monneetoes knew me, and intended to scare me.  The foremost stooped down by a tree and took sight as if he designed to shoot at me: but I could see that he had only a pole in his hand.  Each has a pole in his hand to keep off the dogs, which on this occasion seem frightened almost out of their senses.  As they approached their noise was shocking, nor were their actions to be easily imitated.  Each had a false face, and all dressed in bearskin with the hair on, so that the only resemblance of their species confided in walking.  The foremost had a red face, with a prodigious long nose, and big lips; the others had black faces with long chins resembling bears.  All had cased tortoise shells, with artificial necks—grains of corn are put into these, to make a gingle [sic]—and many other trinkets are used to complete the noise.  With all these frantick [sic] capers I was by them surrounded—asked what they wanted? but Monneetoes can't speak.  After some time they produced a pipe, by which it was understood that tobacco was acceptable.  Upon the reception of any donation, some kind of obeisance is made, and as they depart, the scene is ended with a kind of dance resembling the actions of a bear.  In short their looks, voices and actions were such, that it was thought if they had got their samples from beneath, the scene could not be much exceeded.  This apparel is used also by their pouwouers [sic] in their attempts of healing the sick, when they cannot find out the cause of their disorder.

RELIGION.

       It is said of these as well as of all Indians that I heard of, that they believe there is a good Monneeto and a bad Monneeto: but they in no manner worship either one or the other.  'Tis doing them injustice to say they worship the Devil, for they give themselves no concern about God or the Devil.  They have not one thought worthy of God.   'Tis a subject neither thought on, nor spoken of.  In no way do they acknowledge either mercies or judgments as coming from God.  They seem to have some conceptions of his making the world at first: but none as a preserver or governor of the works of his hands.  Never do they call on any higher power to interpose in any distress—neither do they apprehend that he is displeased with any of their actions, not thinking any thing to be a sin—they seem to have no desire to know him.  'Tis said, by them that are best acquainted with them, that it never doth appear that they have any reproof of conscience for crimes committed: so that it may well be said, that they are without any kind of religion good or bad, inward or outward.  It would be a mercy if this representation could be confined to the Shawannees; but how many are among us that though they profess that they know God, yet in works deny him?  There is much noise in the world about what they call natural religion, but I am fully convinced now there is no such thing existing; for if men had neither tradition, or revelation other ways, they would concern themselves about God little more than the brutes that perish.  'Tis probable some may say, that some heathens have wrote well concerning God.  This is granted, but pray, kind reader, how came they by that knowledge? had they no tradition to begin on? till it is proved that they had none, the argument is not affected, and this is a point that never can be made appear.  Whoever reads Grotius on the truth of the christian religion, will see how they came by their knowledge.  And whoever considers that the world was in a comparison then young, will see that tradition was not extinct (By tradition is meant something handed down from Adam to Noah, and from him to his posterity, &c.).  Is it not a great crime to use the knowledge obtained from revelation, only to malign it? it is indeed horrid ingratitude.  And are they not guilty of this, who call that knowledge obtained from it by the name of natural religion? it is wished that such persons could only see the Indians, especially such as have least acquaintance with us: for others gain knowledge from us, therefore if judgment is formed from such, a great mistake will be made by supposing that to be natural, which is acquired.  'Tis more than probable, if the experiment was made, that they would be so convinced as to give up the point, acknowledging that if  God  had not revealed himself to us, we would have never made it our concern to seek after him.  We read nothing of Adam's concerns about God after his transgression, 'till God first calls upon him.  Might we not have expected to find him, who so lately possessed the image of God, breaking out into a soliloquy something like unto this, "Alas! where am I! to what a state has my vain, my ungrateful attempts brought me! now I feel nothing but gloomy darkness overspreading all my wretched soul, and an awful distance from that God, with whom I was wont to have the sweetest communion.  How can I thus live, robbed of my paradise of joy! Oh! will heaven  look down on such a rebel!"  But the sacred historian gives not the least hint of any relentings on this occasion, nor of any desires after God.   And if the case was so with our first parent after his transgression, can we expect any of his descendants to be better disposed? such an expectation would indicate both  ignorance and arrogance. — Though the present case of these Indians is so deplorable, yet it is my opinion, that they might be civilized in a short time, if it became a matter of publick [sic] concern, and authority would interpose to support some well disposed and well qualified persons, who would be willing to endure hardships for the good of the needy.  There is one difficulty in common not considered, viz. this people live a vagrant life, seldom remaining long in one place, especially in the summer season.  If they were persuaded and assisted in farming, and learned to read, they might soon be civilized.  'Tis strange that nothing has been done by the provinces contiguous to the Indians.  Under all these disadvantages, if there was no rum brought among them, it appears to me that some good might have been done.  Some have thought that the traders prejudiced the Indians against me.  'Tis possible that there were some so bad, but in general I must clear them of the charge, believing that it would have been very agreeable to have seen my journey successful.  Some of the traders were not only civil, but very generous: especially messrs. Irwine, Henry and Duncan: the others were very kind, but had not an equal opportunity of shewing [sic] hospitality.  I am sorry that I was obliged to remove before more instructions could be given in return for their kindness: but such was the distress, that my best friends advised my removal.  At present indeed it is not safe for any person to venture himself among these lawless savages, who have no conscience about shedding innocent blood.

       I was really pleased to read Jones using the reaction of Adam after the Fall as an argument against “natural religion.”  If men were inclined to seek after God on their own, then certainly the first man would have done so after he sinned.  But even Adam hid from God and laid the blame for his sin on Eve (but in reality on God, Who gave him the woman).  How many in our day are just like the Shawnee, with no inclination to seek the true and living God?

       I WOULD dismiss the subject about these Indians, only it will be expected that some description of their apparel should be given.  In this respect they differ nothing from most of other Indians.  The men wear shirts, match-coats, breech-clouts, leggins and mockesons [sic], called by them mockeetha.  Their ornaments are silver plates about their arms, above and below their elbows.  Nose jewels are common. They paint their faces, and cut the rim of their ears, so as to stretch them very large.  Their head is dressed in the best mode, with a black silk handkerchief about it; or else the head is all shaved only the crown, which is left for the scalp.  The hair in this has a swan's plume, or some trinket of silver tied in it. The women wear short shifts over their stroud, which serves for a petticoat.  Some times a calico bedgown.  Their hair is parted and tied behind.  They paint only in spots in common on their cheeks.    Their ears are never cut, but some have ten silver rings in them.  One squaa  [sic] will have near five hundred silver broaches stuck in her shift, stroud and leggins.  Men and women are very proud, but men seem to exceed in this vice.  'Tis said that they suffer no hair to grow on their body, only on their head. Some pull out their eyebrows. ¹

       500 silver brooches?   I knew trade silver was popular among the native tribes but for a squaw to have that many silver trinkets pinned to her dress really surprised me.  Perhaps this item was more popular among the Ohio tribes than I had thought.  Lord willing we will pick up Jones’ narrative as he travels to visit the Delaware tribe.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in the Years 1772 and 1773 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774), p. 57-63.

Shawnee Sociology

       A couple of posts back, when we left off from David Jones’ journal, he was about to give us an overview of the culture of the Shawnee.  We pick up his story there.

GENIUS.

       The Shawannees are naturally an active and sensible people, not possessing a dull imagination in some kind of sculpture or hieroglyphicks [sic], if the false faces used by their Monneetoes are of their own formation; for nothing can bear a much more shocking aspect.  They are the most cheerful and merry people that ever I saw—the cares of this life, which are such an enemy to us, seem not to have yet entered their mind.  It appears as if some kind of drollery was their chief study; consequently both men and women in laughing exceed any nation that ever came under my notice.  At the same time perhaps they are the most deceitful that exist in human shape.

        As it is common to judge of others by ourselves, so these Indians, from a consciousness of their own deceit, are very suspicious of us having some design to enslave them.  This made me fare the worse, for they surmised that the white people had sent me as a spy.  It is said of the Cretians, that they were "always liars, evil beasts, slow bellies.”  Perhaps this may be as justly applied to the Shawannees.  This I found to be a craft among them, that when they imagined any thing in their own heart about you, they would say some one told them such things, and all this cunning is to find out your thoughts about them. In common they are men of good stature, rather more slender than the Delawares.  These, as well as other Indians, are of timerous [sic] spirits, far from possessing any thing heroick [sic], consequently they seek all advantages in war, and never engage without a manifest prospect of victory.  There is little danger of their being saucy if there is not more than a double number.  'Tis true that they killed many in the last war, but great part were timerous [sic] women scared more than half dead at their sight, or else persons void of arms to defend themselves.  'Tis pretty evident to me that this will not be the case any more, for last war the fear of them was upon us; but the Lord has changed the case, for the fear of us is fallen on them, that they are in almost a similar cafe to the inhabitants of Jericho when besieged by the Israelites; and from hence we may judge as Rahab did, that the Lord is on our side, and will in his own time bring the heathens into subjection.   

GOVERNMENT.

        They are strangers to civil power and authority: they look on it that God made them free— that one man has no natural right to rule over another.  In this point they agree with our greatest politicians,  who affirm that a ruler's  authority extends  no further than the  pleasure  of the people, and when any exceeds that power  given, it may be justly asked, by what authority doest thou these things, and who gave thee that authority—whether in church or state?  'Tis marvellous indeed, when we consider human depravity, how Divine Providence has preserved this lawless people in being.   But all things are possible with him, whose dominion is over the most powerful animals and savage men.  'Tis more than probable that God has some glorious events in view.  Every town has its head men, some of which are by us called kings; but by what I can learn this appelation [sic] is by the Indians given to none, only as they learned it from us.  The chief use of these head-men is to give counsel, especially in time of war; they are used also as most proper to speak with us on any occasion, especially if it be important.  They have no laws among them to redress the oppressed: though they seem to have as much need as any people, for they are given much to stealing, both from white people as well as among themselves.  Their custom among themselves is, if any one steals, the sufferer steals as much from the felon as he judges satisfaction: and it is more than probable that the second thief has the best of the bargain, for Indians are not easily satisfied.  In case any person kills another, there is little said, and nothing done; but if the deceased has a friend, the murderer commonly falls a victim to his displeasure in some drunken frolick [sic]; and it is likely intoxicates himself for that purpose, for Indians have not much resolution without a dram.  Mrs. Henry told that during her captivity, it was not uncommon for women to hang or drown their children, when they did not like them, and never concern themselves so much as to bury them.  Nor were they guilty of this cruelty secretly, for nothing would be said on the occasion more than if a puppy had been drowned.  But since they became more acquainted with white people, their conduct in this is amended.  Yet they are not all without affection. 

CUSTOMS.

       It is common in this nation to make considerable lamentations for their dead, especially if they were persons of note.  They believe a future state of some kind of existence; but in this their ideas are extremely low and sensual.  'Tis certain that they think the soul of the deceased eats, therefore it is common for the survivors to dress good victuals, and place it at the head of the grave for several nights after the person has been buried.  They have their children in good subjection: their manner of correction till several years old, is to dash water in their faces, or throw them into the brooks: with this they threaten them on all accasions [sic]. They have no form of marriage—the man and woman agree for so many bucks she shall be his wife.  Natural affection seems very small.  By women beauty is commonly no motive to marriage; the only inducement seems to be the reward which he gives her.  They have no thoughts of marriage joining interest, everyone afterwards having their distinct property.

       It is said that women are purchased by the night, week, month or winter, so that they depend on fornication for a living; nor is it thought either a crime or shame, none being esteemed harlots but such as are licentious without a reward.  Poligamy [sic] is thought no crime—'Tis common to have several wives at the same time; nor dare one of them seem displeased lest she be dismissed.  On the smallest offence they part.  It often is crime enough for a woman to prove pregnant, but this is not often the case, nor is it like to be while licentiousness and the lues venerea  are so common.  'Tis probable if there is no reformation, that in another century there will be few of them on earth.  At present the whole nation of the Shawannees, according to Mr. Henry's calculation, doth not exceed six hundred, including men, women and children: and from what came under my notice, this account is large enough.  Among the customs of this nation, their cruelty to captives, who are not adopted, may be reckoned as one singularly bad.  When a captive is brought in, if any in the town fancy the person for a wife, husband, son or daughter, then that person purchases the captive, and keeps him as his own.  But it often happens that the poor captive has no friend, then a knife is run thro' between the wrist bones, and drawing deer sinews through the wounds, they proceed to bind them naked to the post in the long house, and, instead of sympathizing,  make all imaginable diversion of the helpless agonizing captive.   Some times they will come up and cut off the captives nose, and make abundance of game at his disfigured aspect. When they have finished this scene, they lead them out, and with their tommehock [sic] complete their design, often leaving their bodies to be consumed by the fowls of the air.  Oh! savage cruelty!  Alas! how great is the depravity of human nature! are these descendants of him, who at first was made after the  image of God? yes, verily; but the fine gold is become as the dim brass.  How absolutely needful to be born again! and how great is that work of  God's spirit, to make such as these new creatures, as inoffensive as doves or lambs!  yet this has been the case. (I Cor. 6:11) This must be the case when that passage is more fully accomplished, which saith, "the wolf also shall dwell with the lamb— the calf, young lion and fatling together— they shall not hurt nor destroy—for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the  Lord." (Is. 11:6-9) 

       Yes, indeed, “how absolutely needful to be born again!”  We see in this synopsis of Shawnee society the inevitable result of a people without God’s Word.  It could easily be summed up as a society where each one followed the inclinations of their passions.  Lest we become too smug ourselves, must we not also admit that much the same could be said for our country today?  Lord willing, we’ll pick up Jones’ analysis in our next post.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in the Years 1772 and 1773 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774), p. 52-7.

An Indian Scalp and Divine Sovereignty

       As promised in my last post, here is the account of David McClure’s remarkable deliverance from sure death.

       Finding my situation in these scenes of drunkenness and madness, unsafe, I concluded to ride with my interpreter to a village 5 miles down the river [they were presently at Kekalemehpehoong]. We went to look up our horses. In my absence, the warrior who threatened me, in the morning, had procured a club, and rushing into the house, in which was only the son of Kilbuck, asked for the white man, and flourishing the club said, he came to kill him.  The young Indian, to divert him from the way I had gone, directed him to pursue me in an opposite direction.  Turning from the door, eager to find me, he was stopped by another Indian, a stout young man, called young Beaver, who wrested the club from him, which was soon also taken from him & secreted.

       They were engaged in a bloody fight, at the time that I returned with my horse. The fight was in the house next to mine.  By the noise and confusion within, one would imagine that a number were engaged in bloody conflict. I was ignorant of the cause until, in about 15 minutes, my interpreter arrived, and explained it.

       Before he arrived, I stood attending to the noise of the affray, and young Kilbuck, just mentioned, ran out of the house to me with a long bloody lock of hair, and smiling and talking presented it to me. Not knowing what it meant, I declined receiving it, he then stuck it on the outside of my house. This, I found by my interpreter was a trophy of victory, for my friend young Beaver had just torn it from the middle of the scalp of my enemy. I then thought it advisable to stay no longer; but with Pepee rode expeditiously out of town.  ¹

       This account is such a good example of God’s providential care over His creation that I know I’ll use it in the future.  It clearly shows how God’s sovereignty and man’s free will play out in the real world.  The Indian who wished to do harm to McClure was following the inclinations of his heart but was prohibited from carrying out the deed by Young Beaver.  We don’t know for sure what Young Beaver’s intentions were but I doubt that they were entirely righteous and without self-interest.  After all, it probably was not necessary for him to tear the hair from the scalp of the other Indian; all he had to do was subdue him in order to prevent him from harming McClure.  Even Young Kilbuck’s actions seemed to be motivated by a desire to reap some sort of reward from the missionary.  Each person here acted according to the inclinations of his own wicked heart.  Each person, if he failed to turn to Jesus Christ in repentance and faith, will one day stand in judgment for his actions on this day.  And yet the amazing part in all of this outworking of sinful passions is that God used the actions of those sinful men to accomplish His greater purpose of glorifying Himself through the deliverance of His servant!  Such is the great God we serve, “who worketh all things after the counsel of His own will“(Eph. 1:11) and yet also He makes “all things work together for good to them that love God, to them that are called according to His purpose.”(Rom. 8:28)

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      Franklin B. Dexter, ed., Diary of David McClure (New York, NY: Knickerbocker Press, 1899), p. 75-6.

"The Kind Providence of God"

       In our last post, we looked at David Jones’ journal entry where he related his dialogue with the Shawnee Chief, Yellow Hawk.  We’ll pick up his story there.  

       SATURDAY, February 6 [1773], in the afternoon, was sitting on my bed in Mr. Irwine's house, and two of his men were shelling corn at the door, an Indian lately returned from his hunt, came hastily in pursuit of Mr. Irwine's lad, who ran partly behind me.  The Indian with violence seized him by the throat, and seemed to be feeling for his knife or tommehock [sic].  Seeing him somewhat intoxicated, was surprised. Putting my hand to his breast, relieved the lad, and spoke in the Shawannee language in the most friendly manner.  He seemed for a little to be pacified, but soon asked for some tobacco, in the most masterly manner.  Having forgot its name, told him in his own language that I did not understand him. This enraged him, therefore he took some tobacco, and with violence jobbed it to my mouth, saying ‘tobaac’.  Told him that I had none.  Immediately he was so exasperated, that he drew a very large knife on me, and approached to make a pass at me; kept him off only by the length of my arms, so that he could not stab me, desiring one of the men to assist me in such danger: but so dastardly was his conduct, that he refused to come into the house.  He afterwards apologized and said that he saw not the knife.  In the mean-time the Indian's mother came hastily in, and sprang between us, seizing her son by the hand, and took hold of the knife looking smilingly in my face, as is supposed, to pacify me, lest some evil might follow.  By this unforeseen, and yet most seasonable and providential means, got out of doors, and walked off pretty fast to Mr. Henry's, though I did not think proper to run—the distance might be about one hundred yards.  Can't readily describe my sensation at that time.  I felt something like to what you may call a martial spirit stirring in me; my heart became void of fear: the great law of self-defence opened to my view, on the frequent return of these words to my mind, "died Abner as a fool dieth?"  In case of another attack, was not without thoughts of standing up for my life, and according to my strength to repel force with force.  But oh! how good the Lord is in time of necessity to them that trust in him, in opening another, and much better way for escape, as will appear in the sequel, without offering violence to the hurt of any one.  When that Indian beset me, had indeed a knife in my pocket, but it was so ordered that I did not once think of it at that time.  Since that, esteem it a mercy from God that I did not; for had I made any attempts of the kind, the consequence might have been very bad.  This Indian's name is Yattathuckee [“a hasty setting sun”].  Near night Mr. Henry was looking out at his window, and saw an Indian coming called Old Will.  He knew him well, and desired me to keep out of that fellow's way, for he was afraid that he would do me harm.  For concealment, went upon the cabin-loft, but it was so low that if an Indian stood with his back to the fire, and his face towards me, he might easily see me, therefore for disguise drew some blankets over me.  Presently in comes Old Will, making inquiry for me, with terrible threats in such a rage, that he soon began to cry with venomous anger.  Often he repeated, "Oh! if I could get one stroke, one stroke!"  This was spoken in English—and Mr. Henry often answered him in English, 'tis likely to let me know how matters were like to issue.  Mr. Henry in common possesses a calmness of mind, and on this occasion used it with great discretion; he did not appear the least disturbed, but answered with an air of indifference, and said may be I was gone away, for the Indians were so cross that he did not think I would stay. Mr. Irwine, I believe, was not a little distressed on this occasion; and by his prudent conduct contributed to blind the old murderer.  Mrs. Henry, knowing well the disposition of the Indians, cast in her mite, and by what was said Old Will despaired of finding me, consequently went home.  But like Job's messengers, one was not well gone before another came, whose name is Black Arms.  He spoke only in the Shawannee tongue, I could judge only by the tone of his voice, which was the most terrible that ever saluted my ears.  His voice was indeed as the very harbinger of death itself, so that every moment an engagement for life was expected.  But behold, through the kind providence of God, a timely way of escape was provided.  That evening a very noted person of this nation, called the Blinking Woman, was at Mr. Henry's.  This woman was foster-mother to Mrs. Henry in time of her captivity.  There were present also two or three squaas [sic] besides.  It seemed as if these said something in my favour, though I am not certain what they said, but 'twas soon perceivable that Black Arms was quarrelling with them; the matter was carried so high, that it was evident the squaas would no longer bare the abuse; an apprehension of this made Black Arms very glad to find the door, lest he should have been roughly treated for his insolence.  During this time little could be expected but death, yet as a support it came into my mind that at our association my last request to my ministring [sic] brethren was, to pray that I might be dilivered [sic] from the hands of unreasonable men, which afforded me a degree of hope, that God would hear their prayers, and give deliverance in his own way.  Indeed the case seemed in some respects desperate, and was almost similar to the condition of the Israelites at the Red Sea; for if by night an escape was made, the inhabitants were at such a distance, and so many rivers to cross, that there was no prospect of redress.  But how infinitely wise is God in disposing all things to unite for the preservation of his people!  When Saul and his men surrounded David in the wilderness of Maon, so that he was inclosed [sic] as a fish in a net, behold! a messenger comes with the alarming news that the Philistines had invaded his territories, which obliged him to return with all possible speed.  Wisely did God over-rule the turbulent dispositions of this people for my safety; for the squaas, abused by Black Arms, were friends to Old Will, to whom a complaint was made of their abusive treatment.  This exasperated Old Will so that he resolved to give him manual instructions for his conduct, for, said he, "Black Arms is always quarrelling with women."  Upon meeting a bloody battle commenced, in which each was so effectually abused, that they were willing to remain in their houses till I left the town.  Who could have thought of such a way to escape!   From hence, have been induced to say, that God often exceeds the expectation of them that trust in him, and opens a door of relief in a way unexpected by us.  Before I proceed to give an account of my travels to the Delaware Indians, shall describe the genius, customs, government and religion of this nation [Shawnee], as far as opportunity and information allow me.  If any thing happens to be misrepresented, shall make no other apology than it was not designed. ¹

       What an amazing story!  To me this is a clear example of what the psalmist is referring to when the Scripture says “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee: the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain.” (Ps. 76:10)  Each of these Indians, Yattathuckee, Old Will and Black Arms, wished to do harm to Jones and yet all three were restrained from doing so by the sovereign hand of God.  What is even more amazing is that God used the personal animosity between Old Will and Black Arms to distract them from their mutual dislike of Jones; they became too busy fighting each other to bother with the missionary.  This also calls to my mind the sagacity of the Apostle Paul in Acts 23:6-8 where he is able to set the Pharisees and the Sadducees against one another to his benefit.  I suppose that should be a lesson to us about how harboring wrath and anger in our hearts makes us liable to be manipulated by others for their own benefit.  As I read Jones’ account, it reminded me of an almost identical situation that occurred in the life of David McClure, the missionary whose journal I have previously shared on my blog.  I thought for certain I had blogged about that particular incident but I apparently I did not.  I my next post I will make up the deficiency.

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in the Years 1772 and 1773 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774), p. 48-52.

The Missionary to the Shawnee

       In our last post, David Jones was living among the Shawnee at Chillicothe.  We’ll pick up his story there.  

     Monday 25 [January 1773], made a further inquiry about the person recommended for my interpreter, was informed that he was hunting beavers, and would not be in till spring.  This news blasted all my prospects of making an useful visit, and having no other remedy, applied to one James Gerty [Girty], who was well acquainted with their language, but a stranger to religion; neither had he any inclination to engage in such solemn matters, so contrary to the tenor of his life, having little or no fear of God before his eyes: yet he was civil, and, after much persuasion, engaged to assist me; but dare not proceed, he said, before some head men came home, who were out hunting, but expected soon to return.  In the mean-time I employed myself in making a Vocabulary of the Shawannee language, by his assistance and Mrs. Henry's.  Formed a method of spelling this language from the Greek and Welsh.  The (ch) is pronounced gutturally as Welsh or old Scotch, and (th) as Greek, by placing the point of the tongue to the upper teeth.  Here dipthongs, tripthongs, nay, even four vowels are used in a word.  Their language seems very defective in verbs; yet in several particulars very expressive.  At first it seemed impossible to spell it, but custom made it almost as familiar as the English.  They have only one set of phrases, therefore their language is commonly known by all.  Having an opportunity here of exercising reason calmly, have a little changed my sentiments respecting language.  The use of words, is to convey the conceptions of the mind in such a manner, that others may know our thoughts; therefore the better these sounds are known, the end of speech is the better answered.  It would be almost as rational to whistle in company as to speak, using words unknown to the hearers.  Was this well considered, perhaps it would make some of our fine pulpit orators blush, who use as many unknown words in one sermon, as might grace a modern apothecary's bill of medicines.  To demonstrate a little of the nature of this language, shall give a specimen in their manner of counting to ten, viz.  cootte, neswe, nethway, nee-eweeh , nee-aallonweh, nee-cootwothwe, neeswothwee, swaasickthwee, chacootthwee, meetothwee. The common name for God is Ouessa Monneeto; the word Ouessa signifying good, but could find no particular signification for the word Monneeto.  They call the Devil Monneeto; but when he is designed, the adjective Mauchee  is prefixed.  The word Mauchee signifies bad or evil: so that they call one the good Monneeto, and the other the bad Monneeto; this word is applied to a snake, and other disagreeable things.  The chief men in speaking to me used another word, by which God is acknowledged as Creator, viz.  Weshellequa,  i. e. he that made us all; but captain Mc Kee pronounced it  Coashellequaa.  Was distressed that my time passed and little done to purpose, consulted with the traders to meet for worship ourselves, and spend the Lord's day in the best manner we could among the heathens.  It was agreed that on the 31st of January, should preach to the white people; the Indians were to be notified, that if any chose to come, they also should be instructed.  Fearing the event, went to see captain Mc Kee, who promised to come next day and interpret for me to the Indians; but he came not, nor is the reason yet known to me, not having had any opportunity of seeing him since: nor was the disappointment less in our town, for the Indians were so extremely uneasy, and used such menaces, that none dare meet; for nothing can be safely done without their consent.  They are arbitrary beyond conception of such as know them not.  Ignorance often creates suspicion, this is their case, for they seemed apprehensive, that if we met together, 'twas only to counsel to take the town. ¹

 

       Imagine… James Girty helping a Baptist missionary bring the Gospel to the Shawnee!  James Girty, the brother of the notorious “white Indian” Simon Girty, had been captured by Indians along with his brothers and had been adopted by them.  The Girty brothers became men who had a foot in both worlds, Indian and European, and had a greater affinity for the former than the latter.  At the onset of the War for Independence, James Girty initially sided with the colonials but then later threw his lot in with the British.  In a few short years James Girty will be vilified by the white settlers along the frontier for his part in assisting in Indian raids; for now he is giving aid, albeit reluctantly, to a white preacher who aims to convert those Indians to Christ.

        February 1, an Indian lately returned named Othaawaapeelethee, in English the Yellow Hawk, came with some others to Mr. Henry's to converse with me.  This Indian is one of their chiefs, and esteems himself as a great speaker and very wise: and this may be justly said of him, that he is saucy enough.  On this occasion Mr. John Gibson a trader, was my interpreter, being a man both of sense and learning.  After common formalities were paid, he told me that he wanted to know my business among them; for he understood that I was no trader.  First, informed him from whence I came, and that my chief business was to instruct them from  God,  for his mind was revealed to us, &c.—That I had a great desire for many years to see my brothers the Indians—now wanted to talk with them, and was in hopes that he would allow me an opportunity.  He replied that he thought some thing of that nature was my business.  Then he proceeded to make a long speech, not with a very pleasant countenance, nor the most agreeable tone of voice, and replied to this effect, viz. "When God, who at first made us all, prescribed our way of living, he allowed white people to live one way, and Indians another way; and as he was one of the chiefs of this town, he did not desire to hear me on the subject of religion, for he was resolved not to believe what might be said, nor pay any regard to it.  And he believed it would be the mind of the other Indians."  His thoughts were only natural, and seemed to have no other conceptions of my instructions, than as refering [sic] to the common affairs of life, consisting in living like white folks.

        He said that they had lived a long time as they now do, and liked it very well, and he and his people would live as they had done.  This Indian seemed like some among us, who consider religion only as state policy.  And without doubt there is enough of such religion in the world, even under the name of the Christian; but this affects not the nature of the religion of the Son of God, whose  kingdom  is not of this world, but is purely spiritual, which does not promise its avouchers livings and worldly preferments; but what is infinitely greater, it assures all that truly embrace it, that tho' in this world they may have tribulations, yet in that which is to come, they shall inherit  eternal  life.  How often do we find it true, that the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of God.   This Indian supposed that I would learn them to read, and said it would look very foolish for a man to have a book before him learning to read when old.  In reply I said, that suppose God gave us the right way of living at first, that if any of us got wrong, it would be kind in the other to say, brother, you have missed your way, this is the road you should follow.  Adding that he did not know what I would say before he heard me; that he could not tell but what he might like it.  And if he would give liberty, if I did not speak good, he might tell me, and I would say no more.  He replied that it did not signify to make any trial, for let me say what I would, he was resolved not to believe me.  Indians can bear no contradiction, therefore by this time his savage soul began to be raised.  Finding that no good could be done by saying any thing more, for it was only making bad worse; therefore as the weather was cold, and had no horse, begged liberty to stay in town till I could remove.  This was granted with coldness.

       He said, may be some other nation might receive me, and I might go to them.  From this time prepared for my journey, only waiting for good weather—for company and a horse, intending to go to the Waindots [Wyandottes]; but afterwards thought it not expedient.  Between this time and my departure, was entertained by three Monneetoes, which shall be described hereafter.  At present shall give a narrative of the most dangerous scene through which I passed. ²       

       The chief Yellow Hawk, like many of our day, held to an idea of cultural relativism thinking that all roads equally lead to heaven.  In essence, what he told Jones was “You have your way to God; we have ours.”  The chief was more concerned with the prospect of the changing of their culture than the changing of men’s hearts.  Such is the power of the Gospel!  Christ came to free men from their sin and ignorance, not to leave them in it.  Even today people refuse to follow a Jesus Who requires of them obedience to His Word.  Lord, help us to faithfully preach Your Gospel like your servant Jones did!

Christ, not man, is King!

Dale

1)      David Jones, A Journal of Two Visits Made to Some Nations of Indians on the West Side of the River Ohio in the Years 1772 and 1773 (Burlington, NJ: Isaac Collins, 1774), p. 44-6. 
2)      Ibid., p. 46-8.